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Do not fill this in! {{Short description|South African system of racial separation}} {{About|apartheid in South Africa|other uses}} {{pp-pc|small=yes}} {{Use dmy dates|date=April 2024}} {{Use South African English|date=April 2016}} [[File:DurbanSign1989.jpg|thumb|"Reserved for the sole use of members of the white race group" sign in [[English language|English]], [[Afrikaans]], and [[Zulu language|Zulu]] at a beach in [[Durban]], 1989]] {{Apartheid}} {{Segregation}} {{History of South Africa}} {{History of Namibia}} '''Apartheid''' ({{IPAc-en|ə|ˈ|p|ɑːr|t|(|h|)|aɪ|t}} {{respell|ə|PART|(h)yte}}, <small>especially [[South African English]]: </small>{{IPAc-en|ə|ˈ|p|ɑːr|t|(|h|)|eɪ|t}} {{respell|ə|PART|(h)ayt}}, {{IPA-af|aˈpartɦɛit|lang|audio=LL-Q14196 (afr)-Oesjaar-apartheid.wav}}; {{trans|"separateness"}}, {{lit.|aparthood}}) was a system of institutionalised racial segregation that existed in [[South Africa]] and [[South West Africa]]{{efn|South West Africa existed as a colonial territory under the control of the South African administration.}} (now [[Namibia]]) from 1948 to the early 1990s.{{refn|The [[Population Registration Act, 1950]], the basis for most apartheid legislation, was formally abolished in 1991,<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.c-span.org/video/?19041-1/repeal-population-registration-act |title=Repeal of Population Registration Act |date=17 June 1991 |publisher=C-Span |access-date=7 June 2018 |archive-date=12 June 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180612140800/https://www.c-span.org/video/?19041-1%2Frepeal-population-registration-act |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="Abolished">{{cite news|title=South Africa ends racial classifications|last=Myre |first=Greg |url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1893&dat=19910618&id=3sQfAAAAIBAJ&pg=5582,6356040 |agency=Associated Press|publisher=Southeast Missourian |location=Cape Girardeau |date=18 June 1991|access-date=1 March 2018 |archive-date=8 June 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200608230005/https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1893&dat=19910618&id=3sQfAAAAIBAJ&pg=5582,6356040 |url-status=live}}</ref> although the country's first non-racial government was not established until [[1994 South African general election|multiracial elections held under a universal franchise]] in 1994.<ref name=Jeffrey>{{cite book|last=Bartusis|first=Mark|editor1-last=Gomez|editor1-first=Edmund|editor2-last=Premdas|editor2-first=Ralph|title=Affirmative Action, Ethnicity and Conflict|date=2012|pages=126–132|publisher=Routledge Books|location=New York|isbn=978-0415627689}}</ref>|name=1990s|group=note}} Apartheid was characterised by an authoritarian political culture based on ''[[baasskap]]'' ({{Lit|}} 'boss-ship' or 'boss-hood'), which ensured that South Africa was dominated politically, socially, and economically by the nation's minority [[White South Africans|white population]].<ref name="Mayne">{{cite book|last=Mayne|first=Alan|title=From Politics Past to Politics Future: An Integrated Analysis of Current and Emergent Paradigms|date=1999|page=52|publisher=Praeger|location=Westport, Connecticut|isbn=978-0-275-96151-0}}</ref> In this [[minoritarianism|minoritarian]] system, there was social stratification, where white citizens had the highest status, followed by [[Indian South Africans|Indians]] and [[Coloureds]], then [[Black South Africans|Black Africans]].<ref name="Mayne" /> The economic legacy and social effects of apartheid continue to the present day, particularly [[Inequality in post-apartheid South Africa|inequality]].<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/despite-1994-political-victory-against-apartheid-its-economic-legacy-persists-haydn-cornish-|title=Despite the 1994 political victory against apartheid, its economic legacy persists by Haydn Cornish-Jenkins|last=Leander|date=15 June 2015|work=South African History Online|access-date=2 May 2018|language=en|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180502210959/http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/despite-1994-political-victory-against-apartheid-its-economic-legacy-persists-haydn-cornish-|archive-date=2 May 2018|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.sabcnews.com/sabcnews/apartheid-legacy-haunts-sa-economy/|title=Apartheid legacy haunts SA economy |publisher=SABC News |last=Moeti |first=Thato |website=www.sabcnews.com|date=27 April 2018 |language=en |access-date=2 May 2018|archive-date=19 November 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181119000230/http://www.sabcnews.com/sabcnews/apartheid-legacy-haunts-sa-economy/|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://allafrica.com/stories/201804060509.html |title=Ramaphosa's tough job on fixing Apartheid legacy |date=6 April 2018 |newspaper=The Conversation Africa |agency=AllAfrica |last=Hirsch |first=Alan}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=Msimang |first=Sisonke |date=12 December 2017 |title=All Is Not Forgiven: South Africa and the Scars of Apartheid |language=en-US |work=Foreign Affairs |issue=January/February 2018 |url=https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/south-africa/2017-12-12/all-not-forgiven |access-date=20 November 2023 |issn=0015-7120}}</ref> Broadly speaking, apartheid was delineated into ''petty apartheid'', which entailed the segregation of public facilities and social events, and ''grand apartheid'', which dictated housing and employment opportunities by race.<ref name="Crompton">{{cite book|title=Desmond Tutu: Fighting Apartheid|last=Crompton|first=Samuel Willard|year=2007|location=New York|publisher=Chelsea House, Publishers|isbn=978-0791092217|pages=34–35|url=https://archive.org/details/desmondtutufight0000crom/page/34}}</ref> The first apartheid law was the [[Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act, 1949]], followed closely by the [[Immorality Act|Immorality Amendment Act]] of 1950, which made it illegal for most South African citizens to [[Anti-miscegenation laws|marry or pursue sexual relationships across racial lines]].<ref name=Routledge>{{cite book|last1=Walton|first1=F. Carl|last2=Udayakumar|first2=S.P.|last3=Muck|first3=William|last4=McIlwain|first4=Charlton|last5=Kramer|first5=Eric|last6=Jensen|first6=Robert|last7=Ibrahim|first7=Vivian|last8=Caliendo|first8=Stephen Maynard|last9=Asher|first9=Nhia|title=The Routledge Companion to Race and Ethnicity|date=2011|pages=103–105|publisher=Routledge Books|location=New York|isbn=978-0415777070}}</ref> The [[Population Registration Act, 1950]] classified all South Africans into one of four racial groups based on appearance, known ancestry, socioeconomic status, and cultural lifestyle: "Black", "White", "Coloured", and "Indian", the last two of which included several sub-classifications.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Baldwin-Ragaven |first1=Laurel |last2=London |first2=Lesley |last3=du Gruchy |first3=Jeanelle |year=1999 |title=An ambulance of the wrong colour: health professionals, human rights and ethics in South Africa |publisher=Juta and Company Limited |page=18}}</ref> Places of residence were determined by racial classification.<ref name=Routledge/> Between 1960 and 1983, 3.5 million black Africans were removed from their homes and forced into segregated neighbourhoods as a result of apartheid legislation, in some of the largest mass evictions in modern history.<ref name=" Forced Removals">{{cite web |title=South Africa – Overcoming Apartheid |access-date=26 December 2013 |url=http://www.overcomingapartheid.msu.edu/multimedia.php?id=65-259-6 |publisher=African Studies Center of Michigan State University |archive-date=14 December 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131214133901/http://overcomingapartheid.msu.edu/multimedia.php?id=65-259-6 |url-status=dead }}</ref> Most of these targeted removals were intended to restrict the black population to ten designated "tribal homelands", also known as ''[[bantustan]]s'', four of which became nominally independent states.<ref name=Routledge/> The government announced that relocated persons would lose their South African citizenship as they were absorbed into the bantustans.<ref name="Crompton"/> Apartheid sparked significant international and domestic opposition, resulting in some of the most influential global social movements of the 20th century.<ref name=Lodge>{{cite book |last=Lodge|first=Tim |title=Sharpeville: An Apartheid Massacre and Its Consequences |date=2011 |pages=234–235 |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford |isbn=978-0192801852 |url=https://archive.org/details/sharpevilleapart0000lodg/page/234}}</ref> It was the target of frequent condemnation in the [[United Nations]] and brought about extensive [[International sanctions during apartheid|international sanctions]], including [[arms embargo]]es and [[economic sanctions]] on South Africa.<ref name="Lodge 1983">{{cite book|first=Tom|last=Lodge|year=1983|title=Black Politics in South Africa Since 1945|location=New York|publisher=Longman}}</ref> During the 1970s and 1980s, [[internal resistance to apartheid]] became increasingly militant, prompting brutal crackdowns by the [[National Party (South Africa)|National Party]] ruling government and protracted sectarian violence that left thousands dead or in detention.<ref name=Pandey>{{cite book|last=Pandey|first=Satish Chandra|title=International Terrorism and the Contemporary World|date=2006|pages=197–199|publisher=Sarup & Sons, Publishers|location=New Delhi|isbn=978-8176256384}}</ref> The [[Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Africa)|Truth and Reconciliation Commission]] found that there were 21,000 deaths from political violence, with 7,000 deaths between 1948 and 1989, and 14,000 deaths and 22,000 injuries in the transition period between 1990 and 1994.<ref>{{cite book|last=Ugorji|first=Basil|title=From Cultural Justice to Inter-Ethnic Mediation: A Reflection on the Possibility of Ethno-Religious Mediation in Africa|date=2012|pages=65–66|publisher=Outskirts Press|location=Denver|isbn=978-1432788353}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.justice.gov.za/trc/media/1997/9705/s970527b.htm | title=SAPA - 27 May 97 - HRC SUBMITS APARTHEID REPRESSION BOOK TO TRUTH BODY }}</ref> Some reforms of the apartheid system were undertaken, including allowing for [[Tricameral Parliament|Indian and Coloured political representation in parliament]], but these measures failed to appease most activist groups.<ref name=Diplomacy>{{cite book|last=Thomas|first=Scott|title=The Diplomacy of Liberation: The Foreign Relations of the ANC Since 1960|date=1995|pages=202–210|publisher=Tauris Academic Studies|location=London|isbn=978-1850439936}}</ref> Between 1987 and 1993, the National Party entered into [[Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa|bilateral negotiations]] with the [[African National Congress]] (ANC), the leading anti-apartheid political movement, for ending segregation and introducing majority rule.<ref name=Diplomacy/><ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/2/newsid_2524000/2524997.stm |title=De Klerk dismantles apartheid in South Africa |work=BBC News |access-date=21 February 2009 | date=2 February 1990| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20090215004142/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/2/newsid_2524000/2524997.stm| archive-date= 15 February 2009 | url-status=live}}</ref> In 1990, prominent ANC figures such as [[Nelson Mandela]] were released from prison.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/jan/31/nelson-mandela-de-klerk-apartheid|title=Why FW de Klerk let Nelson Mandela out of prison|author=Alex Duval Smith|date=31 January 2010|newspaper=The Guardian|access-date=25 March 2016|archive-date=17 March 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160317145809/http://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/jan/31/nelson-mandela-de-klerk-apartheid|url-status=live}}</ref> Apartheid legislation was repealed on 17 June 1991,<ref name="Abolished"/> leading to [[1994 South African general election|multiracial elections in April 1994]].<ref name="Mitchell">{{cite book|last1=Mitchell|first1=Thomas|title=Native vs Settler: Ethnic Conflict in Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland and South Africa|date=2008|page=8|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|location=Westport|isbn=978-0313313578}}</ref> == Precursors == {{Main|History of South Africa (1815–1910)|History of South Africa (1910–1948)}} ''Apartheid'' is an [[Afrikaans]]<ref>{{cite web |title=Dictionary.com entry for 'apartheid' |url=http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/apartheid?s=t&ld=1091 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131004221846/http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/apartheid?s=t&ld=1091 |archive-date=4 October 2013 |access-date=11 August 2012}}</ref> word meaning "separateness", or "the state of being apart", literally "[[wikt:apart#English|apart]] [[wikt:-hood#English|-hood]]" (from the Afrikaans suffix ''-heid'').<ref>Shore, Megan. ''Religion and Conflict Resolution: Christianity and South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission''. Ashgate Publishing, 2009. p. 36</ref><ref>Nancy L. Clarkson & William H. Worger. ''South Africa: The Rise and Fall of ''. Routledge, 2013. Chapter 3: The Basis of Apartheid.</ref> Its first recorded use was in 1929.<ref name="Routledge" /> Racial discrimination and inequality against black people in South Africa dates to the beginning of large-scale European colonisation of South Africa with the [[Dutch East India Company]]'s establishment of a trading post in the [[Cape of Good Hope]] in 1652, which eventually expanded into the [[Dutch Cape Colony]]. The company began the [[Khoikhoi–Dutch Wars]] in which it displaced the local [[Khoikhoi people]], replaced them with farms worked by [[White South Africans|white settlers]], and imported Black slaves from across the [[Dutch Empire]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Clark |first1=Nancy |url=https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781317220336 |title=South Africa: The Rise and Fall of Apartheid |last2=Worger |first2=William |date=2016|publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-315-62156-2 |edition=3 |location=New York |pages=11–12 |language=en |doi=10.4324/9781315621562}}</ref> In the days of [[Slavery in South Africa|slavery]], slaves required passes to travel away from their masters. In 1797, the ''[[Landdrost#South Africa|Landdrost]]'' and [[Heemraad|''Heemraden'']], local officials, of [[Swellendam]] and [[Graaff-Reinet]] extended [[pass laws]] beyond slaves and ordained that all Khoikhoi (designated as ''Hottentots'') moving about the country for any purpose should carry passes.<ref name="Afrikaner political thought: analysis and documents">{{cite book |title=Afrikaner political thought: analysis and documents |author=A. Du Toit, H.B. Giliomee |isbn=978-0-520-04319-0 |publisher=University of California Press |year=1983 }}</ref> This was confirmed by the [[British Cape Colony|British Colonial government]] in 1809 by the [[Hottentot Proclamation]], which decreed that if a Khoikhoi were to move they would need a pass from their master or a local official.<ref name="Afrikaner political thought: analysis and documents" /> Ordinance No. 49 of 1828 decreed that prospective black immigrants were to be granted passes for the sole purpose of seeking work.<ref name="Afrikaner political thought: analysis and documents" /> These passes were to be issued for Coloureds and Khoikhoi but not for other Africans, who were still forced to carry passes. During the [[French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars]], the [[British Empire]] captured and annexed the Dutch Cape Colony.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=12}} Under the [[Battle of Blaauwberg#Articles of Capitulation|1806 Cape Articles of Capitulation]] the new British colonial rulers were required to respect previous legislation enacted under [[Roman-Dutch law]],<ref name="Introduction to Roman-Dutch Law">{{cite web |author=R.W Lee |title=Introduction to Roman-Dutch Law |url=https://archive.org/details/introductiontoro00leeruoft |access-date=27 March 2011 |publisher=Oxford, Clarendon Press}}</ref> and this led to a separation of the law in South Africa from [[English Common Law]] and a high degree of legislative autonomy. The governors and assemblies that governed the legal process in the various colonies of South Africa were launched on a different and independent legislative path from the rest of the British Empire. The United Kingdom's [[Slavery Abolition Act 1833]] abolished slavery throughout the British Empire and overrode the Cape Articles of Capitulation. To comply with the act, the South African legislation was expanded to include Ordinance 1 in 1835, which effectively changed the status of slaves to [[Indentured servitude|indentured labourers]]. This was followed by Ordinance 3 in 1848, which introduced an indenture system for [[Xhosa people|Xhosa]] that was little different from slavery. The various South African colonies passed legislation throughout the rest of the 19th century to limit the freedom of unskilled workers, to increase the restrictions on indentured workers and to regulate the relations between the races. The discoveries of diamonds and gold in South Africa also raised racial inequality between white people and black people.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=14}} In the [[Cape Colony]], which previously had a liberal and multi-racial constitution and a system of [[Cape Qualified Franchise]] open to men of all races, the [[Franchise and Ballot Act]] of 1892 raised the [[Property qualification|property franchise qualification]] and added an educational element, disenfranchising a disproportionate number of the Cape's non-white voters,<ref>Gish, Steven (2000). ''Alfred B. Xuma: African, American, South African.'' New York University Press. p. 8.</ref> and the [[Glen Grey Act]] of 1894 instigated by the government of Prime Minister [[Cecil Rhodes]] limited the amount of land Africans could hold. Similarly, in [[Colony of Natal|Natal]], the [[Natal Legislative Assembly Bill]] of 1894 deprived Indians of the right to vote.<ref>Hoiberg, Dale; Ramchandani, Indu (2000). ''Students' Britannica India, Volumes 1–5.'' Popular Prakashan. p. 142.</ref> In 1896 the [[South African Republic]] brought in two pass laws requiring Africans to carry a badge. Only those employed by a master were permitted to remain on the Rand, and those entering a "labour district" needed a special pass.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kiloh|first1=Margaret|last2=Sibeko|first2=Archie|title=A Fighting Union|date=2000|publisher=Ravan Press|location=Randburg|isbn=0869755277|page=1}}</ref> During the [[Second Boer War]] the British Empire cited racial exploitation of blacks as a cause for its war against the [[Boer republics]]. However, the peace negotiations for the [[Treaty of Vereeniging]] demanded "the just predominance of the white race" in South Africa as a precondition for the Boer republics unifying with the British Empire.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|pp=16–17}} In 1905 the [[General Pass Regulations Act]] denied Black people the vote and limited them to fixed areas,<ref>{{cite book|last=Apartheid South Africa : an insider's view of the origin and effects of separate development|first=John Allen|title=Apartheid South Africa : an insider's view of the origin and effects of separate development|publisher=iUniverse, Inc|year=2005|isbn=978-0595355518|location=New York|page=267}}</ref> and in 1906 the [[Asiatic Registration Act]] of the [[Transvaal Colony]] required all Indians to register and carry passes.<ref>{better source needed} Nojeim, Michael J. (2004). ''Gandhi and King: the power of nonviolent resistance.'' Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 127.</ref> Beginning in 1906 the South African Native Affairs Commission under [[Godfrey Lagden]] began implementing a more openly segregationist policy towards nonwhites.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=17}} The latter was repealed by the British government but re-enacted in 1908. In 1910, the [[Union of South Africa]] was created as a self-governing [[dominion]], which continued the legislative program: the [[South Africa Act 1909|South Africa Act]] (1910) enfranchised white people, giving them complete political control over all other racial groups while removing the right of Black people to sit in parliament;<ref name="leach">Leach, Graham (1986). ''South Africa: no easy path to peace.'' Routledge. p. 68.</ref> the [[Natives Land Act, 1913|Native Land Act]] (1913) prevented Black people, except those in the Cape, from buying land outside "reserves";<ref name="leach" /> the Natives in Urban Areas Bill (1918) was designed to force Black people into "locations";<ref>Tankard, Keith (9 May 2004). [http://www.knowledge4africa.com/worldhistory/proto-apartheid09.htm Chapter 9 The Natives (Urban Areas) Act] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081120022848/http://www.knowledge4africa.com/worldhistory/proto-apartheid09.htm |date=20 November 2008 }} . Rhodes University. knowledge4africa.com.</ref> the Urban Areas Act (1923) introduced residential segregation and provided cheap labour for industry led by white people; the Colour Bar Act (1926) prevented black mine workers from practising skilled trades; the [[Native Administration Act, 1927|Native Administration Act]] (1927) made the [[The Crown|British Crown]] rather than [[paramount chief]]s the supreme head over all African affairs;<ref>Baroness Young – Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (4 July 1986). [https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/lords/1986/jul/04/south-africa#S5LV0477P0_19860704_HOL_99 South Africa House of Lords Debate vol 477 cc 1159–250] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160326134600/http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1986/jul/04/south-africa#S5LV0477P0_19860704_HOL_99 |date=26 March 2016 }}. Hansard.</ref>{{Better source needed|date=February 2015}} the Native Land and Trust Act (1936) complemented the 1913 Native Land Act and, in the same year, the [[Representation of Natives Act, 1936|Representation of Natives Act]] removed previous black voters from the Cape [[Electoral roll|voters' roll]] and allowed them to elect three whites to Parliament.<ref>[http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/chronology/thisday/representation-of-natives-act.htm The Representation of Natives Act]. sahistory.org {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061013060416/http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/chronology/thisday/representation-of-natives-act.htm |date=13 October 2006 }}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=February 2015}} The [[United Party (South Africa)|United Party]] government of [[Jan Smuts]] began to move away from the rigid enforcement of segregationist laws during World War II, but faced growing opposition from [[Afrikaner nationalism|Afrikaner nationalists]] who wanted stricter segregation.<ref>Ambrosio, Thomas (2002). ''Ethnic identity groups and U.S. foreign policy.'' Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 56–57.</ref>{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=26}} Post-war, one of the first pieces of segregating legislation enacted by Smuts' government was the [[Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act, 1946|Asiatic Land Tenure Bill (1946)]], which banned land sales to Indians and Indian descendent South Africans.<ref>{{cite web|url = http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/indian-passive-resistance-south-africa-1946-1948|title = Indian passive resistance in South Africa, 1946–1948|date = n.d.|access-date = 23 February 2015|website = sahistory.org.za|publisher = SA History|last = Reddy|first = E.S|archive-date = 23 February 2015|archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20150223214527/http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/indian-passive-resistance-south-africa-1946-1948|url-status = live}}</ref> The same year, the government established the [[Fagan Commission]]. Amid fears [[Racial integration|integration]] would eventually lead to racial assimilation, the Opposition [[Herenigde Nasionale Party]] (HNP) established the [[Sauer Commission]] to investigate the effects of the United Party's policies. The commission concluded that integration would bring about a "loss of personality" for all racial groups. The HNP incorporated the commission's findings into its campaign platform for the [[1948 South African general election]], which it won.{{citation needed|date=August 2022}} == Institution == === 1948 Election === {{Main|South African general election, 1948}}[[File:DFMalanPortret.jpg|thumb|upright|[[D. F. Malan]], the first apartheid-era prime minister (1948{{ndash}}1954)]] South Africa had allowed social custom and law to govern the consideration of multiracial affairs and of the allocation, in racial terms, of access to economic, social, and political status.<ref name="zastudy">{{cite book|last=Kaplan|first=Irving|title=Area Handbook for the Republic of South Africa|pages=1–86|url=http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED056947.pdf|access-date=25 March 2016|archive-date=28 April 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150428004403/http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED056947.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref> Most white South Africans, regardless of their own differences, accepted the prevailing pattern.{{Citation needed|date=September 2020}} Nevertheless, by 1948 it remained apparent that there were gaps in the social structure, whether legislated or otherwise, concerning the rights and opportunities of nonwhites. The rapid economic development of [[World War II]] attracted black migrant workers in large numbers to chief industrial centres, where they compensated for the wartime shortage of white labour. However, this escalated rate of black urbanisation went unrecognised by the South African government, which failed to accommodate the influx with parallel expansion in housing or social services.<ref name="zastudy" /> Overcrowding, increasing crime rates, and disillusionment resulted; urban blacks came to support a new generation of leaders influenced by the principles of [[self-determination]] and popular freedoms enshrined in such statements as the [[Atlantic Charter]]. Black political organisations and leaders such as [[Alfred Xuma]], [[James Mpanza]], the [[African National Congress]], and the [[Council of Non-European Trade Unions]] began demanding political rights, land reform, and the right to unionise.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=37-38}} Whites reacted negatively to the changes, allowing the [[Herenigde Nasionale Party]] (or simply the National Party) to convince a large segment of the [[voting bloc]] that the impotence of the United Party in curtailing the evolving position of nonwhites indicated that the organisation had fallen under the influence of Western liberals.<ref name="zastudy" /> Many [[Afrikaners]] resented what they perceived as disempowerment by an underpaid black workforce and the superior economic power and prosperity of white English speakers.<ref>P. Brits, ''Modern South Africa'': Afrikaner power, the politics of race, and resistance, 1902 to the 1970s (Pretoria, University of South Africa Press, 2007), p37</ref> Smuts, as a strong advocate of the [[United Nations]], lost domestic support when South Africa was criticised for its colour bar and the continued [[League of Nations mandate|mandate]] of [[South West Africa]] by other UN member states.<ref name="O'Meara">O'Meara, Dan. ''Forty Lost Years : The National Party and the Politics of the South African State'', 1948–1994. Athens: [[Ohio University Press]], 1996.</ref> [[Afrikaner nationalism|Afrikaner nationalists]] proclaimed that they offered the voters a new policy to ensure continued white domination.<ref name="Meredith">M. Meredith, ''In the Name of Apartheid'', London: Hamish Hamilton, 1988, {{ISBN|978-0-06-430163-3}}</ref> This policy was initially expounded from a theory drafted by [[Hendrik Verwoerd]] and was presented to the National Party by the [[Sauer Commission]].<ref name="zastudy" /> It called for a systematic effort to organise the relations, rights, and privileges of the races as officially defined through a series of parliamentary acts and administrative decrees. Segregation had thus far been pursued only in major matters, such as separate schools, and local society rather than law had been depended upon to enforce most separation; it should now be extended to everything.<ref name="zastudy" /> The commission's goal was to completely remove blacks from areas designated for whites, including cities, with the exception of temporary migrant labour. Blacks would then be encouraged to create their own political units in land reserved for them.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=41-42}} The party gave this policy a name{{snds}}''apartheid''. Apartheid was to be the basic ideological and practical foundation of Afrikaner politics for the next quarter of a century.<ref name="Meredith" /> The National Party's election platform stressed that apartheid would preserve a market for white employment in which non-whites could not compete. On the issues of black urbanisation, the regulation of non-white labour, influx control, social security, farm tariffs and non-white taxation, the United Party's policy remained contradictory and confused.<ref name="O'Meara" /> Its traditional bases of support not only took mutually exclusive positions, but found themselves increasingly at odds with each other. Smuts' reluctance to consider [[Foreign relations of South Africa|South African foreign policy]] against the mounting tensions of the [[Cold War]] also stirred up discontent, while the nationalists promised to purge the state and public service of communist sympathisers.<ref name="O'Meara" /> First to desert the United Party were Afrikaner farmers, who wished to see a change in influx control due to problems with squatters, as well as higher prices for their maize and other produce in the face of the mineowners' demand for cheap food policies. Always identified with the affluent and capitalist, the party also failed to appeal to its working class constituents.<ref name="O'Meara" /> Populist rhetoric allowed the National Party to sweep eight constituencies in the mining and industrial centres of the [[Witwatersrand]] and five more in [[Pretoria]]. Barring the predominantly English-speaking landowner electorate of the [[Natal Province|Natal]], the United Party was defeated in almost every rural district. Its urban losses in the nation's most populous province, the [[Transvaal Province|Transvaal]], proved equally devastating.<ref name="O'Meara" /> As the [[Electoral system|voting system]] was [[Malapportionment|disproportionately weighted]] in favour of rural constituencies and the Transvaal in particular, the 1948 election catapulted the Herenigde Nasionale Party from a small minority party to a commanding position with an eight-vote parliamentary lead.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blSAApartheidFAQ.htm|publisher=about.com|title=Apartheid FAQ|access-date=25 March 2016|archive-date=13 May 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130513214652/http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blSAApartheidFAQ.htm|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="sahistory-1948election">{{cite web |url=http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governence-projects/SA-1948-1976/1948-election.htm |title=The 1948 election and the National Party Victory |access-date=13 July 2008 |publisher=South African History Online| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20080816015132/http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governence-projects/SA-1948-1976/1948-election.htm| archive-date= 16 August 2008 | url-status=live}}</ref> [[Daniel François Malan]] became the first nationalist prime minister, with the aim of implementing the apartheid philosophy and silencing liberal opposition.<ref name="zastudy" /> When the National Party came to power in 1948, there were factional differences in the party about the implementation of systemic racial segregation. The "[[baasskap]]" (white domination or supremacist) faction, which was the dominant faction in the NP, and state institutions, favoured systematic segregation, but also favoured the participation of black Africans in the economy with black labour controlled to advance the economic gains of Afrikaners. A second faction were the "purists", who believed in "vertical segregation", in which blacks and whites would be entirely separated, with blacks living in native reserves, with separate political and economic structures, which, they believed, would entail severe short-term pain, but would also lead to independence of white South Africa from black labour in the long term. A third faction, which included [[Hendrik Verwoerd]], sympathised with the purists, but allowed for the use of black labour, while implementing the purist goal of vertical separation.<ref name="Kuperus1999">{{cite book|author=T. Kuperus|title=State, Civil Society and Apartheid in South Africa: An Examination of Dutch Reformed Church-State Relations|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UzuJDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA83|date=7 April 1999|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK|isbn=978-0-230-37373-0|pages=83–|access-date=29 April 2018|archive-date=5 January 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200105163723/https://books.google.com/books?id=UzuJDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA83|url-status=live}}</ref> Verwoerd would refer to this policy as a policy of "good neighbourliness" as a means of justifying such segregation.<ref name="Indiana University Press">{{cite book |last1=Cole |first1=Catherine M. |title=Performing South Africa's Truth Commission: Stages of Transition |date=2010 |publisher=Indiana University Press |page=31 |isbn=9780253353900 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6wfjROt3sLEC |access-date=20 June 2021 |archive-date=24 June 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210624204518/https://books.google.com/books?id=6wfjROt3sLEC |url-status=live }}</ref> === Legislation === {{Apartheid legislation in South Africa}} {{Main|Apartheid legislation}} [[File:Zuid Afrikaanse premier dr. H. Verwoerd, Bestanddeelnr 911-1297 (cropped).jpg|thumb|upright|[[Hendrik Verwoerd]], minister of native affairs (1950{{ndash}}1958) and prime minister (1958{{ndash}}1966), earned the nickname 'Architect of Apartheid' from his large role in creating legislation.]] NP leaders argued that South Africa did not comprise a single nation, but was made up of four distinct racial groups: white, black, Coloured and Indian. Such groups were split into 13 nations or racial federations. White people encompassed the English and [[Afrikaans]] language groups; the black populace was divided into ten such groups. The state passed laws that paved the way for "grand apartheid", which was centred on separating races on a large scale, by compelling people to live in separate places defined by race. This strategy was in part adopted from "left-over" British rule that separated different racial groups after they took control of the [[Boer republics]] in the [[Anglo-Boer war]]. This created the black-only "[[Township (South Africa)|township]]s" or "locations", where blacks were relocated to their own towns. As the NP government's [[Minister of Bantu Administration and Development, and Bantu Education|minister of native affairs]] from 1950, Hendrik Verwoerd had a significant role in crafting such laws, which led to him being regarded as the 'Architect of Apartheid'.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Kenney |first1=Henry |title=Verwoerd: Architect of Apartheid |date=2016 |publisher=Jonathan Ball Publishers |isbn=9781868427161 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HmIcDQEACAAJ |access-date=20 June 2021 |archive-date=2 June 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210602233332/https://books.google.com/books?id=HmIcDQEACAAJ |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="Indiana University Press"/><ref>{{cite web |last=Gross |first=D. |date=14 September 2016 |title=How Should South Africa Remember the Architect of Apartheid? |publisher=Smithsonian |url=https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/how-should-south-africa-remember-architect-apartheid-180960449/ |access-date=20 June 2021 |archive-date=16 February 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210216080313/https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/how-should-south-africa-remember-architect-apartheid-180960449/ |url-status=live }}</ref> In addition, "petty apartheid" laws were passed. The principal apartheid laws were as follows.<ref name="b">Alistair Boddy-Evans. [http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsalaws.htm African History: Apartheid Legislation in South Africa] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150906053139/http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsalaws.htm |date=6 September 2015 }}, [[About.com]]. Retrieved 5 June 2007.</ref> The first grand apartheid law was the [[Population Registration Act]] of 1950, which formalised racial classification and introduced an identity card for all persons over the age of 18, specifying their racial group.<ref>Boddy-Evans, Alistar. [http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheidlaws/g/No30of50.htm Population Registration Act No 30 of 1950] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170207084231/http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheidlaws/g/No30of50.htm |date=7 February 2017 }}. [[About.com]].</ref> Official teams or boards were established to come to a conclusion on those people whose race was unclear.<ref>Ungar, Sanford (1989). ''Africa: the people and politics of an emerging continent.'' Simon & Schuster. p. 224.</ref> This caused difficulty, especially for [[Coloureds|Coloured people]], separating their families when members were allocated different races.<ref>Goldin, Ian (1987). ''Making race: the politics and economics of Coloured identity in South Africa.'' Longman. p. xxvi.</ref> The second pillar of grand apartheid was the [[Group Areas Act]] of 1950.<ref>Boddy-Evans, Alistar. [http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheidlaws/g/No41of50.htm Group Areas Act No 41 of 1950] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160829075120/http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheidlaws/g/No41of50.htm |date=29 August 2016 }}. [[About.com]].</ref> Until then, most settlements had people of different races living side by side. This Act put an end to diverse areas and determined where one lived according to race. Each race was allotted its own area, which was used in later years as a basis of forced removal.<ref>Besteman, Catherine Lowe (2008). ''Transforming Cape Town''. University of California Press. p. 6.</ref> The [[Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act, 1951|Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act]] of 1951 allowed the government to demolish black [[shanty town]] slums and forced white employers to pay for the construction of housing for those black workers who were permitted to reside in cities otherwise reserved for whites.<ref>Boddy-Evans, Alistar. [http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsalaws.htm Apartheid Legislation in South Africa] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150906053139/http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsalaws.htm |date=6 September 2015 }}. [[About.com]].</ref> The [[Native Laws Amendment Act, 1952]] centralised and tightened pass laws so that blacks could not stay in urban areas longer than 72 hours without a permit.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=49}} The [[Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act]] of 1949 prohibited marriage between persons of different races, and the [[Immorality Act]] of 1950 made [[Miscegenation|sexual relations between whites and other races]] a [[criminal offence]]. Under the [[Reservation of Separate Amenities Act]] of 1953, municipal grounds could be reserved for a particular race, creating, among other things, separate beaches, buses, hospitals, schools and universities. Signboards such as "whites only" applied to public areas, even including park benches.<ref>Beck, Roger B. (2000). ''The history of South Africa.'' Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 128. {{ISBN|978-0-313-30730-0}}.</ref> Black South Africans were provided with services greatly inferior to those of whites, and, to a lesser extent, to those of Indian and Coloured people.<ref name=crdi>{{cite web|url=http://www.idrc.ca/fr/ev-91102-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html |title=The economic legacy of apartheid |publisher=Centre de recherches pour le développement international |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100426042410/http://www.idrc.ca/fr/ev-91102-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html |archive-date=26 April 2010 }}</ref> Further laws had the aim of suppressing resistance, especially armed resistance, to apartheid. The [[Suppression of Communism Act]] of 1950 banned the [[Communist Party of South Africa]] and any party subscribing to [[Communism]]. The act defined Communism and its aims so sweepingly that anyone who opposed government policy risked being labelled as a Communist. Since the law specifically stated that Communism aimed to disrupt racial harmony, it was frequently used to gag opposition to apartheid. Disorderly gatherings were banned, as were certain organisations that were deemed threatening to the government. It also empowered the Ministry of Justice to impose [[banning order]]s.<ref name=":1">{{Harvp|Clark|Worger|2016|pages=59-64}}</ref> After the [[Defiance Campaign]], the government used the act for the mass arrests and banning of leaders of dissent groups such as the [[African National Congress]] (ANC), the [[South African Indian Congress]] (SAIC), and the [[South African Congress of Trade Unions]] (SACTU). After the release of the Freedom Charter, 156 leaders of these groups were charged in the [[1956 Treason Trial]]. It established [[Censorship in South Africa|censorship]] of film, literature, and the media under the Customs and Excise Act 1955 and the Official Secrets Act 1956. The same year, the Native Administration Act 1956 allowed the government to banish blacks.<ref name=":1" /> The [[Bantu Authorities Act, 1951|Bantu Authorities Act of 1951]] created separate government structures for blacks and whites and was the first piece of legislation to support the government's plan of separate development in the [[bantustan]]s. The [[Bantu Education Act, 1953]] established a separate education system for blacks emphasizing [[Culture of Africa|African culture]] and [[Vocational education|vocational training]] under the Ministry of Native Affairs and defunded most [[mission school]]s.<ref>{{Harvp|Clark|Worger|2016|p=53-54}}</ref> The [[Promotion of Bantu Self-government Act, 1959|Promotion of Black Self-Government Act]] of 1959 entrenched the NP policy of nominally independent "homelands" for blacks. So-called "self–governing Bantu units" were proposed, which would have devolved administrative powers, with the promise later of [[autonomy]] and self-government. It also abolished the seats of white representatives of black South Africans and removed from the rolls the few blacks still qualified to vote. The [[Bantu Investment Corporation Act]] of 1959 set up a mechanism to transfer capital to the homelands to create employment there. Legislation of 1967 allowed the government to stop industrial development in "white" cities and redirect such development to the "homelands". The [[Black Homeland Citizenship Act]] of 1970 marked a new phase in the Bantustan strategy. It changed the status of blacks to citizens of one of the ten autonomous territories. The aim was to ensure a demographic majority of white people within South Africa by having all ten Bantustans achieve full independence. Inter-racial contact in sport was frowned upon, but there were no segregatory sports laws. The government tightened pass laws compelling blacks to carry identity documents, to prevent the immigration of blacks from other countries. To reside in a city, blacks had to be in employment there. Until 1956 women were for the most part excluded from these ''pass'' requirements, as attempts to introduce ''pass laws'' for women were met with fierce resistance.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.anc.org.za/un/womenrole.html |title=Extracts from paper prepared by the Secretariat for the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, Copenhagen, July 1980 (The anti-pass campaign) |access-date=14 July 2008 |publisher=[[African National Congress]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080622003552/http://www.anc.org.za/un/womenrole.html |archive-date=22 June 2008 |url-status=dead }}</ref> === Disenfranchisement of Coloured voters === {{Main|Coloured vote constitutional crisis}} [[File:Cape-coloured-children.jpg|thumb|Cape Coloured children in [[Bonteheuwel]]]] [[File:Annual per capita personal income by race group in South Africa relative to white levels.svg|lang=en|thumb|Annual per capita personal income by race group in South Africa] relative to white levels.]] In 1950, D. F. Malan announced the NP's intention to create a Coloured Affairs Department.<ref>Van der Ross, R. E.; Marais, Johannes Stephanus (1986). ''The rise and decline of apartheid: a study of political movements among the Coloured people of South Africa, 1880–1985.'' Tafelberg. p. 255.</ref> [[J.G. Strijdom]], Malan's successor as Prime Minister, moved to strip voting rights from black and Coloured residents of the Cape Province. The previous government had introduced the Separate Representation of Voters Bill into Parliament in 1951, turning it to be an [[Separate Representation of Voters Act, 1951|Act]] on 18 June 1951; however, four voters, G Harris, W D Franklin, W D Collins and Edgar Deane, challenged its validity in court with support from the United Party.<ref>Davis, Dennis; Le Roux, Michelle (2009). ''Precedent & Possibility: The (Ab)use of Law in South Africa.'' Juta and Company Limited. p. 20. {{ISBN|978-1-77013-022-7}}.</ref> The Cape Supreme Court upheld the act, but reversed by the Appeal Court, finding the act invalid because a two-thirds majority in a joint sitting of both Houses of [[Parliament of South Africa|Parliament]] was needed to change the [[entrenched clause]]s of the [[Constitution of South Africa#Previous constitutions of South Africa|Constitution]].<ref>''Rielations.'' Penguin Books. p. 332.</ref> The government then introduced the High Court of Parliament Bill (1952), which gave Parliament the power to overrule decisions of the court.<ref>Hatch, John Charles (1965). ''A history of post-war Africa.'' Praeger. p. 213.</ref> The Cape Supreme Court and the Appeal Court declared this invalid too.<ref>Witz, Leslie (2003). ''Apartheid's festival: contesting South Africa's national pasts.'' Indiana University Press. p. 134.</ref> In 1955 the Strijdom government increased the number of judges in the Appeal Court from five to 11, and appointed pro-Nationalist judges to fill the new places.<ref>Wilson, Monica Hunter; Thompson, Leonard Monteath (1969). ''The Oxford history of South Africa, Volume 2.'' Oxford University Press. p. 405.</ref> In the same year they introduced the Senate Act, which increased the Senate from 49 seats to 89.<ref>"South Africa official yearbook." (1991). South African State Department of Information. p. 18. [http://www.gcis.gov.za/resource_centre/sa_info/yearbook/index.html Current edition available here] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120306094222/http://www.gcis.gov.za/resource_centre/sa_info/yearbook/index.html |date=6 March 2012 }}</ref> Adjustments were made such that the NP controlled 77 of these seats.<ref>Muller, C. F. J. (1975). ''Five hundred years: a history of South Africa.'' Academica. p. 430.</ref> The parliament met in a joint sitting and passed the [[Separate Representation of Voters Act]] in 1956, which transferred Coloured voters from the common voters' roll in the Cape to a new Coloured voters' roll.<ref>Mountain, Alan (2003). ''The first people of the Cape: a look at their history and the impact of colonialism on the Cape's indigenous people.'' New Africa Books. p. 72.</ref> Immediately after the vote, the Senate was restored to its original size. The Senate Act was contested in the Supreme Court, but the recently enlarged Appeal Court, packed with government-supporting judges, upheld the act, and also the Act to remove Coloured voters.<ref>Du Pre, R H. (1994). ''Separate but Unequal – The 'Coloured' People of South Africa – A Political History.'' Jonathan Ball Publishers, Johannesburg. pp. 134–139.</ref> The 1956 law allowed Coloureds to elect four people to Parliament, but a 1969 law abolished those seats and stripped Coloureds of their right to vote. Since Indians had never been allowed to vote, this resulted in whites being the sole enfranchised group. Separate representatives for coloured voters were first elected in the [[1958 South African general election|general election of 1958]]. Even this limited representation did not last, being ended from 1970 by the [[Separate Representation of Voters Amendment Act, 1968]]. Instead, all coloured adults were given the right to vote for the [[Coloured Persons Representative Council]], which had limited legislative powers. The council was in turn dissolved in 1980. In 1984 a new constitution introduced the [[Tricameral Parliament]] in which coloured voters elected the [[House of Representatives of South Africa|House of Representatives]]. A 2016 study in ''[[The Journal of Politics]]'' suggests that disenfranchisement in South Africa had a significant negative effect on basic service delivery to the disenfranchised.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Kroth|first1=Verena|last2=Larcinese|first2=Valentino|last3=Wehner|first3=Joachim|date=19 May 2016|title=A Better Life for All? Democratization and Electrification in Post-Apartheid South Africa|journal=The Journal of Politics|volume=78|issue=3|page=000|doi=10.1086/685451|s2cid=53381097|issn=0022-3816|url=http://spire.sciencespo.fr/hdl:/2441/7s1hteu07q9uspsehhm8nsvifc/resources/wp53-larcinese.pdf|access-date=13 November 2018|archive-date=22 September 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170922025236/http://spire.sciencespo.fr/hdl:/2441/7s1hteu07q9uspsehhm8nsvifc/resources/wp53-larcinese.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref> === Division among whites === Before South Africa became a republic in 1961, politics among white South Africans was typified by the division between the mainly [[Afrikaner]] pro-republic conservative and the largely English anti-republican liberal sentiments,<ref>Muller (1975), p. 508.</ref> with the legacy of the [[Second Boer War|Boer War]] still a factor for some people. Once South Africa became a republic, Prime Minister [[Hendrik Verwoerd]] called for improved relations and greater accord between people of British descent and the Afrikaners.<ref>[[Doug Booth|Booth, Douglas]] (1998). ''The race game: sport and politics in South Africa.'' Routledge. p. 89.</ref> He claimed that the only difference was between those in favour of apartheid and those against it. The ethnic division would no longer be between Afrikaans and English speakers, but between blacks and whites.{{citation needed|date=October 2022}} Most Afrikaners supported the notion of unanimity of white people to ensure their safety. White voters of British descent were divided. Many had opposed a republic, leading to a majority "no" vote in [[Natal Province|Natal]].<ref>Thompson, Paul Singer (1990). ''Natalians first: separatism in South Africa, 1909–1961.'' Southern Book Publishers. p. 167.</ref> Later, some of them recognised the perceived need for white unity, convinced by the growing trend of decolonisation elsewhere in Africa, which concerned them. British Prime Minister [[Harold Macmillan|Harold Macmillan's]] "[[Wind of Change (speech)|Wind of Change]]" speech left the British faction feeling that the United Kingdom had abandoned them.<ref>Joyce, Peter (2007). ''The making of a nation: South Africa's road to freedom.'' Zebra. p. 118.</ref> The more conservative English speakers supported Verwoerd;<ref>Suzman, Helen (1993). ''In no uncertain terms: a South African memoir.'' Knopf. p. 35</ref> others were troubled by the severing of ties with the UK and remained loyal to [[the Crown]].<ref>Keppel-Jones, Arthur (1975). ''South Africa: a short history.'' Hutchinson. p. 132.</ref> They were displeased by having to choose between British and South African nationalities. Although Verwoerd tried to bond these different blocs, the subsequent voting illustrated only a minor swell of support,<ref>[[Robert Lacour-Gayet|Lacour-Gayet, Robert]] (1977). ''A history of South Africa.'' Cassell. p. 311.</ref> indicating that a great many English speakers remained apathetic and that Verwoerd had not succeeded in uniting the white population. == Homeland system == {{Main|Bantustan}} [[File:South_Africa_%26_South_West_Africa_Bantustans_Map.svg|right|thumb|400px|Map of the 20 bantustans in South Africa and South West Africa.]] Under the homeland system, the government attempted to divide South Africa and South West Africa into a number of separate states, each of which was supposed to develop into a separate nation-state for a different ethnic group.<ref name=autogenerated1>p. 15</ref> Territorial separation was hardly a new institution. There were, for example, the "reserves" created under the British government in the nineteenth century. Under apartheid, 13 percent of the land was reserved for black homelands, a small amount relative to its total population, and generally in economically unproductive areas of the country. The [[Tomlinson Commission]] of 1954 justified apartheid and the homeland system, but stated that additional land ought to be given to the homelands, a recommendation that was not carried out.<ref>Evans, Ivan. Bureaucracy and Race: Native Administration in South Africa. Berkeley: U of California, 1997. N. pag. Print.</ref> When Verwoerd became Prime Minister in 1958, the policy of "separate development" came into being, with the homeland structure as one of its cornerstones. Verwoerd came to believe in the granting of independence to these homelands. The government justified its plans on the ostensible basis that "(the) government's policy is, therefore, not a policy of discrimination on the grounds of race or colour, but a policy of differentiation on the ground of nationhood, of different nations, granting to each self-determination within the borders of their homelands{{snds}}hence this policy of separate development".<ref>Amisi, Baruti, and Simphiwe Nojiyeza. Access to Decent Sanitation in South Africa: The Challenges of Eradicating the Bucket System Baruti Amisi n. pag. Feb. 2008. Web.</ref> Under the homelands system, blacks would no longer be citizens of South Africa, becoming citizens of the independent homelands who worked in South Africa as foreign migrant labourers on temporary work permits. In 1958 the Promotion of Black Self-Government Act was passed, and border industries and the [[Bantu Investment Corporation Act, 1959|Bantu Investment Corporation]] were established to promote economic development and the provision of employment in or near the homelands. Many black South Africans who had never resided in their identified homeland were forcibly removed from the cities to the homelands. The vision of a South Africa divided into multiple [[Ethnocracy|ethnostates]] appealed to the reform-minded Afrikaner intelligentsia, and it provided a more coherent philosophical and moral framework for the National Party's policies, while also providing a veneer of intellectual respectability to the controversial policy of so-called [[baasskap]].<ref name="sparksNews24Appalled">{{cite news|url=https://www.news24.com/Columnists/AllisterSparks/Verwoerd-and-his-policies-appalled-me-20150512|title=Verwoerd and his policies appalled me|work=News24|access-date=4 June 2018|language=en|archive-date=16 November 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181116072439/https://www.news24.com/Columnists/AllisterSparks/Verwoerd-and-his-policies-appalled-me-20150512|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref name="politicsWebRememberingVerwoerd">{{cite web|url=http://www.politicsweb.co.za/opinion/remembering-verwoerd|title=Remembering Verwoerd – OPINION {{!}} Politicsweb|website=www.politicsweb.co.za|language=en|access-date=4 June 2018|archive-date=19 June 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180619140047/http://www.politicsweb.co.za/opinion/remembering-verwoerd|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="afrikanerDominationNews24">{{cite news|url=https://www.news24.com/Columnists/GuestColumn/afrikaner-domination-died-with-verwoerd-50-years-ago-20160906|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160906170422/http://www.news24.com/Columnists/GuestColumn/afrikaner-domination-died-with-verwoerd-50-years-ago-20160906|url-status=dead|archive-date=6 September 2016|title=Afrikaner domination died with Verwoerd 50 years ago|work=News24|access-date=4 June 2018|language=en}}</ref> [[File:Ciskei2.jpg|thumb|left|Rural area in [[Ciskei]], one of the four nominally independent homelands.]] In total, 20 homelands were allocated to ethnic groups, ten in South Africa proper and ten in South West Africa. Of these 20 homelands, 19 were classified as black, while one, [[Basterland]], was set aside for a sub-group of Coloureds known as [[Basters]], who are closely related to Afrikaners. Four of the homelands were declared independent by the South African government: [[Transkei]] in 1976, [[Bophuthatswana]] in 1977, [[Venda]] in 1979, and [[Ciskei]] in 1981 (known as the TBVC states). Once a homeland was granted its nominal independence, its designated citizens had their South African citizenship revoked and replaced with citizenship in their homeland. These people were then issued passports instead of passbooks. Citizens of the nominally autonomous homelands also had their South African citizenship circumscribed, meaning they were no longer legally considered South African.<ref name="travel">Those who had the money to travel or emigrate were not given full passports; instead, travel documents were issued.</ref> The [[Government of South Africa|South African government]] attempted to draw an equivalence between their view of black citizens of the homelands and the problems which other countries faced through entry of illegal immigrants]. === International recognition of the Bantustans === Bantustans within the borders of South Africa and South West Africa were classified by degree of nominal self-rule: 6 were "non-self-governing", 10 were "self-governing", and 4 were "independent". In theory, self-governing Bantustans had control over many aspects of their internal functioning but were not yet sovereign nations. Independent Bantustans (Transkei, Bophutatswana, Venda and Ciskei; also known as the TBVC states) were intended to be fully sovereign. In reality, they had no significant economic infrastructure and with few exceptions encompassed swaths of disconnected territory. This meant all the Bantustans were little more than puppet states controlled by South Africa. Throughout the existence of the independent Bantustans, South Africa remained the only country to recognise their independence. Nevertheless, internal organisations of many countries, as well as the South African government, lobbied for their recognition. For example, upon the foundation of Transkei, the Swiss-South African Association encouraged the Swiss government to recognise the new state. In 1976, leading up to a United States House of Representatives resolution urging the President to not recognise Transkei, the South African government intensely lobbied lawmakers to oppose the bill.<ref>{{cite magazine |url=http://kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-E84-84-al.sff.document.af000020.pdf |title=A Fine Face for Apartheid |first=Shelly |last=Pitterman |magazine=Southern Africa |date=January–February 1978 |publisher=[[The Africa Fund]] |location=New York |via=kora.matrix.msu.edu |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191218200853/http://kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-E84-84-al.sff.document.af000020.pdf |archive-date=18 December 2019 |url-status=live}}</ref> Each TBVC state extended recognition to the other independent Bantustans while South Africa showed its commitment to the notion of TBVC sovereignty by building embassies in the TBVC capitals. === Forced removals {{Anchor|Forced removal}} === [[File:Travelling Light 76 F.jpg|thumb|Man subject to forced removal in Mogopa, Western Transvaal, February 1984]] {{See also|1=Group Areas Act|2=Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures Act, 1991}} During the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, the government implemented a policy of "resettlement", to force people to move to their designated "group areas". Millions of people were forced to relocate. These removals included people relocated due to [[Slum clearance in South Africa|slum clearance]] programmes, labour tenants on white-owned farms, the inhabitants of the so-called "black spots" (black-owned land surrounded by white farms), the families of workers living in townships close to the homelands, and "surplus people" from urban areas, including thousands of people from the Western Cape (which was declared a "Coloured Labour Preference Area")<ref name="clp">{{cite journal | last = Western | first = J. | title = A divided city: Cape Town | journal = [[Political Geography (journal)|Political Geography]] | volume = 21 | issue = 5 | pages = 711–716 | doi = 10.1016/S0962-6298(02)00016-1 | date = June 2002 }}</ref> who were moved to the [[Transkei]] and [[Ciskei]] homelands. The best-publicised [[Population transfer|forced removals]] of the 1950s occurred in [[Johannesburg]], when 60,000 people were moved to the new township of [[Soweto]] (an abbreviation for South Western Townships).<ref>{{cite web|title=From the Western Areas to Soweto: forced removals |url=http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/places/villages/gauteng/soweto/history3.htm |access-date=7 January 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080117170427/http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/places/villages/gauteng/soweto/history3.htm |archive-date=17 January 2008 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref name="timeSophia">{{cite news |title=Toby Street Blues |newspaper=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |date=21 February 1955 |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,892971,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080117190333/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,892971,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=17 January 2008 }}</ref> Until 1955, [[Sophiatown]] had been one of the few urban areas where black people were allowed to own land, and was slowly developing into a multiracial slum. As industry in Johannesburg grew, Sophiatown became the home of a rapidly expanding black workforce, as it was convenient and close to town. It had the only swimming pool for black children in Johannesburg.<ref name="Meredith2010">{{cite book|first=Martin|last=Meredith|title=Mandela: A Biography|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OsUXdCxt0WUC&pg=PT95|date=1 April 2010|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=978-1-84739-933-5|page=95|access-date=28 October 2015|archive-date=28 October 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201028035900/https://books.google.com/books?id=OsUXdCxt0WUC&pg=PT95|url-status=live}}</ref> As one of the oldest black settlements in Johannesburg, it held an almost symbolic importance for the 50,000 black people it contained. Despite a vigorous ANC protest campaign and worldwide publicity, the removal of Sophiatown began on 9 February 1955 under the Western Areas Removal Scheme. In the early hours, heavily armed police forced residents out of their homes and loaded their belongings onto government trucks. The residents were taken to a large tract of land {{convert|19|km}} from the city centre, known as [[Meadowlands, Gauteng|Meadowlands]], which the government had purchased in 1953. Meadowlands became part of a new planned black city called [[Soweto]]. Sophiatown was destroyed by bulldozers, and a new white suburb named [[Triomf]] (Triumph) was built in its place. This pattern of forced removal and destruction was to repeat itself over the next few years, and was not limited to black South Africans alone. Forced removals from areas like [[Cato Manor]] (Mkhumbane) in [[Durban]], and [[District Six]] in [[Cape Town]], where 55,000 Coloured and [[Indian South Africans|Indian people]] were forced to move to new townships on the [[Cape Flats]], were carried out under the [[Group Areas Act]] of 1950. Nearly 600,000 Coloured, Indian and [[Chinese South Africans|Chinese people]] were moved under the Group Areas Act. Some 40,000 whites were also forced to move when land was transferred from "white South Africa" into the black homelands.<ref>{{cite book|title = Music of South Africa|last = Muller|first = Carol|publisher = Routledge|year = 2008}}</ref> In South-West Africa, the apartheid plan that instituted Bantustans was as a result of the so-called Odendaal Plan, a set of proposals from the Odendaal Commission of 1962–1964.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=D'Amato |first1=A.A. |title=The Bantustan Proposals for South-West Africa |journal=The Journal of Modern African Studies |date=1966 |volume=4 |issue=2 |pages=177–192 |doi=10.1017/S0022278X00013239 |jstor=158943 |s2cid=154050355 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/158943 |access-date=4 June 2021 |archive-date=4 June 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210604000204/https://www.jstor.org/stable/158943 |url-status=live }}</ref> == Society during apartheid == {{more citations needed|section|date=March 2022}} [[File:1962-21-12 tussen Port Elizabeth en Grahamstad, ananasstalletje.jpg|thumb|Workers at a pineapple stall between [[Port Elizabeth]] and [[Grahamstown]], December 1962]] The NP passed a string of legislation that became known as ''petty apartheid''. The first of these was the [[Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act, 1949|Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act 55 of 1949]], prohibiting marriage between whites and people of other races. The Immorality Amendment Act 21 of 1950 (as amended in 1957 by Act 23) forbade "unlawful racial intercourse" and "any immoral or indecent act" between a white and a black, Indian or Coloured person. Black people were not allowed to run businesses or professional practices in areas designated as "white South Africa" unless they had a permit – such being granted only exceptionally. Without a permit, they were required to move to the black "homelands" and set up businesses and practices there. Trains, hospitals and ambulances were segregated.<ref>On apartheid transport see Pirie, G.H. Travelling under apartheid. In D M Smith (ed.), ''The Apartheid City and Beyond: Urbanisation and Social Change in South Africa.'' Routledge, London (1992), pp. 172–181.</ref> Because of the smaller numbers of white patients and the fact that white doctors preferred to work in white hospitals, conditions in white hospitals were much better than those in often overcrowded and understaffed, significantly underfunded black hospitals.<ref name="hospital">[http://www.doh.gov.za/docs/policy/framewrk/chap01.html Health Sector Strategic Framework 1999–2004 – Background] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060923163238/http://www.doh.gov.za/docs/policy/framewrk/chap01.html |date=23 September 2006 }}, Department of Health, 2004. Retrieved 8 November 2006.</ref> Residential areas were segregated and blacks were allowed to live in white areas only if employed as a servant and even then only in servants' quarters. Black people were excluded from working in white areas, unless they had a pass, nicknamed the ''dompas'', also spelt ''dompass'' or ''dom pass''. The most likely origin of this name is from the Afrikaans "verdomde pas" (meaning accursed pass),<ref name="dompass">[http://www.dsae.co.za/#!/search/hws/dompass/sN/pN Dictionary of South African English on historical principles] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191214231140/https://www.dsae.co.za/#!/search/hws/dompass/sN/pN |date=14 December 2019 }}. Retrieved 27 December 2015.</ref> although some commentators ascribe it to the Afrikaans words meaning "dumb pass". Only black people with "Section 10" rights (those who had migrated to the cities before World War II) were excluded from this provision. A pass was issued only to a black person with approved work. Spouses and children had to be left behind in black homelands. A pass was issued for one magisterial district (usually one town) confining the holder to that area only. Being without a valid pass made a person subject to arrest and trial for being an illegal migrant. This was often followed by deportation to the person's [[Bantustan|homeland]] and prosecution of the employer for employing an illegal migrant. Police vans patrolled white areas to round up blacks without passes. Black people were not allowed to employ whites in white South Africa.<ref>{{cite book|title = The Conflict in South Africa|last = Saaty|first = Thomas|publisher = Springer Publishing|page = 119}}</ref> This legally enforced segregation was reinforced through deliberate town planning measures, such as introducing natural, industrial and infrastructural buffer zones.<ref>{{cite thesis |title=An Undivided Landscape: Dissolving Apartheid buffer zones in Johannesburg, South Africa |url=https://uwspace.uwaterloo.ca/handle/10012/7504 |publisher=University of Waterloo |date=1 May 2013 |degree=Master Thesis |language=en |first=Michelle |last=Greyling}}</ref> The legacy of this town planning element still hinders economic integration of urban economies today.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Laufs |first=Johannes |date=2011 |title=Document: Bridging the Economic Divide in Urban Areas of Namibia: Townships within the Local Economic Development Framework |url=http://rgdoi.net/10.13140/RG.2.1.1825.5600 |doi=10.13140/RG.2.1.1825.5600}}</ref> Although trade unions for black and Coloured workers had existed since the early 20th century, it was not until the 1980s reforms that a mass black trade union movement developed. [[Trade unions in South Africa|Trade unions]] under apartheid were racially segregated, with 54 unions being white only, 38 for Indian and Coloured and 19 for black people. The Industrial Conciliation Act (1956) legislated against the creation of multi-racial trade unions and attempted to split existing multi-racial unions into separate branches or organisations along racial lines.<ref>{{cite book|last=Omond|first=Roger|title=The Apartheid Handbook|year=1986|publisher=Penguin Books|location=Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England|isbn=978-0-14-022749-9|pages=[https://archive.org/details/apartheidhandboo0000omon_z0a2/page/102 102–109]|edition=2nd|url=https://archive.org/details/apartheidhandboo0000omon_z0a2/page/102}}</ref> Each black homeland controlled its own education, health and police systems. Blacks were not allowed to buy [[hard liquor]]. They were able to buy only state-produced poor quality beer (although this law was relaxed later). Public beaches, swimming pools, some pedestrian bridges, drive-in cinema parking spaces, graveyards, parks, and public toilets were segregated. Cinemas and theatres in white areas were not allowed to admit blacks. There were practically no cinemas in black areas. Most restaurants and hotels in white areas were not allowed to admit blacks except as staff. Blacks were prohibited from attending white churches under the Churches Native Laws Amendment Act of 1957, but this was never rigidly enforced, and churches were one of the few places races could mix without the interference of the law. Blacks earning 360 [[South African rand|rand]] a year or more had to pay taxes while the white threshold was more than twice as high, at 750 rand a year. On the other hand, the taxation rate for whites was considerably higher than that for blacks.{{Citation needed|date=September 2010}} Blacks could not acquire land in white areas. In the homelands, much of the land belonged to a "tribe", where the local chieftain would decide how the land had to be used. This resulted in whites owning almost all the industrial and agricultural lands and much of the prized residential land. Most blacks were stripped of their South African citizenship when the "homelands" became "independent", and they were no longer able to apply for [[South African passport]]s. Eligibility requirements for a passport had been difficult for blacks to meet, the government contending that a passport was a privilege, not a right, and the government did not grant many passports to blacks. Apartheid pervaded culture as well as the law, and was entrenched by most of the [[Media of South Africa|mainstream media]]. === Coloured classification === {{Discrimination sidebar}} {{Main|Coloureds}} The population was classified into four groups: African, White, Indian, and Coloured (capitalised to denote their legal definitions in [[Law of South Africa|South African law]]). The Coloured group included people regarded as being of mixed descent, including of [[Bantu peoples|Bantu]], [[Khoisan]], [[European ethnic groups|European]] and [[Malay race|Malay]] ancestry. Many were descended from slaves, or indentured workers, who had been brought to South Africa from [[India]], [[Sri Lanka]], [[Madagascar]], and [[China]].<ref name="Intro">Patric Tariq Mellet [https://archive.today/20120707062952/http://cape-slavery-heritage.iblog.co.za/intro/ "Intro"], ''Cape Slavery Heritage''. Retrieved 24 May 2011.</ref> The Population Registration Act, (Act 30 of 1950), defined South Africans as belonging to one of three races: White, Black or Coloured. People of Indian ancestry were considered Coloured under this act. Appearance, social acceptance and descent were used to determine the qualification of an individual into one of the three categories. A white person was described by the act as one whose parents were both white and possessed the "habits, speech, education, deportment and demeanour" of a white person. Blacks were defined by the act as belonging to an African race or tribe. Lastly, Coloureds were those who could not be classified as black or white.<ref name="SAHistoryOrg">{{cite web |title=Apartheid Legislation 1850s – 1970s |url=https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/apartheid-legislation-1850s-1970s |website=SAHistory.org |access-date=20 May 2019 |archive-date=1 April 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190401181624/https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/apartheid-legislation-1850s-1970s |url-status=live }}</ref> The apartheid bureaucracy devised complex (and often arbitrary) criteria at the time that the Population Registration Act was implemented to determine who was Coloured. Minor officials would administer tests to determine if someone should be categorised either Coloured or White, or if another person should be categorised either Coloured or Black. The tests included the [[Pencil test (South Africa)|pencil test]], in which a pencil was shoved into the subjects' curly hair and the subjects made to shake their head. If the pencil stuck they were deemed to be Black; if dislodged they were pronounced Coloured. Other tests involved examining the shapes of jaw lines and buttocks and pinching people to see what language they would say "Ouch" in.<ref name="NewScientist1991">{{cite journal |last1=Armstrong |first1=Sue |title=Forum: Watching the 'race' detectives – The results of South Africa's race classification laws |journal=New Scientist |date=20 April 1991 |volume=1765 |url=https://www.newscientist.com/article/mg13017656-200-forum-watching-the-race-detectives-the-results-of-south-africas-race-classification-laws/ |access-date=20 May 2019 |archive-date=15 October 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191015181712/https://www.newscientist.com/article/mg13017656-200-forum-watching-the-race-detectives-the-results-of-south-africas-race-classification-laws/ |url-status=live }}</ref> As a result of these tests, different members of the same family found themselves in different race groups. Further tests determined membership of the various sub-racial groups of the Coloureds. Discriminated against by apartheid, Coloureds were as a matter of state policy forced to live in separate [[Township (South Africa)|townships]], as defined in the Group Areas Act (1950),<ref name="GroupAreas1950">{{cite web |title=Group Areas Act of 1950 |url=https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/group-areas-act-1950 |website=SAHistory.org.za |access-date=20 May 2019 |archive-date=9 March 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190309234411/https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/group-areas-act-1950 |url-status=live }}</ref> in some cases leaving homes their families had occupied for generations, and received an inferior education, though better than that provided to Africans. They played an important role in the [[Internal resistance to apartheid|anti-apartheid movement]]: for example the [[African Political Organization]] established in 1902 had an exclusively Coloured membership. Voting rights were denied to Coloureds in the same way that they were denied to Blacks from 1950 to 1983. However, in 1977 the NP caucus approved proposals to bring Coloureds and Indians into central government. In 1982, final constitutional proposals produced a referendum among Whites, and the [[Tricameral Parliament]] was approved. The Constitution was reformed the following year to allow the Coloured and Indian minorities participation in separate Houses in a Tricameral Parliament, and Botha became the first Executive State President. The idea was that the Coloured minority could be granted [[Suffrage|voting rights]], but the Black majority were to become citizens of independent homelands.<ref name="SAHistoryOrg"/><ref name="GroupAreas1950"/> These separate arrangements continued until the abolition of apartheid. The Tricameral reforms led to the formation of the (anti-apartheid) [[United Democratic Front (South Africa)|United Democratic Front]] as a vehicle to try to prevent the co-option of Coloureds and Indians into an alliance with Whites. The battles between the UDF and the NP government from 1983 to 1989 were to become the most intense period of struggle between left-wing and right-wing South Africans. === Education === [[Education in South Africa|Education]] was segregated by the 1953 [[Bantu Education Act]], which crafted a separate system of education for black South African students and was designed to prepare black people for lives as a labouring class.<ref name="byrnes">{{cite book|last=Byrnes|first=Rita M.|title=South Africa: A Country Study|publisher=GPO for the Library of Congress|year=1996|location=Washington|url=http://countrystudies.us/south-africa/|access-date=25 March 2016|archive-date=29 June 2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110629175000/http://countrystudies.us/south-africa/|url-status=live}}</ref> In 1959 separate universities were created for black, Coloured and Indian people. Existing universities were not permitted to enroll new black students. The Afrikaans Medium Decree of 1974 required the use of [[Afrikaans]] and English on an equal basis in high schools outside the homelands.<ref name="afrikaans_medium_decree">{{cite web|url=http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsaJune16decree.htm|title=The Afrikaans Medium Decree|access-date=14 March 2007|publisher=About.com| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20070225005315/http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsaJune16decree.htm| archive-date= 25 February 2007 | url-status=live}}</ref> In the 1970s, the state spent ten times more per child on the education of white children than on black children within the [[Bantu Education Act, 1953|Bantu Education system]] (the education system in black schools within white South Africa). Higher education was provided in separate universities and colleges after 1959. Eight black universities were created in the homelands. [[Fort Hare University]] in the [[Ciskei]] (now [[Eastern Cape]]) was to register only [[Xhosa language|Xhosa]]-speaking students. [[Sesotho|Sotho]], [[Setswana|Tswana]], [[Sepedi|Pedi]] and [[Venda language|Venda]] speakers were placed at the newly founded [[University of Limpopo|University College of the North]] at Turfloop, while the [[University of Zululand|University College of Zululand]] was launched to serve [[Zulu people|Zulu]] students. Coloureds and Indians were to have their own establishments in the [[University of the Western Cape|Cape]] and [[University of Durban-Westville|Natal]] respectively.<ref>{{cite journal|title = Overcoming the Apartheid Legacy in Cape Town Schools|last = Lemon|first = Anthony|date = 2009|journal = Review| volume=99 | issue=4 | page=517 | doi=10.1111/j.1931-0846.2009.tb00445.x | bibcode=2009GeoRv..99..517L | s2cid=144615165 }}</ref> Each black homeland controlled its own education, health and police systems. By 1948, before formal Apartheid, 10 universities existed in South Africa: four were Afrikaans, four for English, one for Blacks and a Correspondence University open to all ethnic groups. By 1981, under apartheid government, 11 new universities were built: seven for Blacks, one for Coloureds, one for Indians, one for Afrikaans and one dual-language medium Afrikaans and English. === Women under apartheid === [[File:Collectie Fotocollectiie Afdrukken ANEFO Rousel, fotonummer 157-0188, Bestanddeelnr 157-0188.jpg|thumb|Black women demonstrate against pass laws, 1956]] Colonialism and apartheid had a major effect on Black and Coloured women, since they suffered both racial and gender discrimination.<ref>{{cite web|title=Women's Charter, 17 April 1954 Johannesburg |url=http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?id=4666 |publisher=ANC |access-date=15 January 2014 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140116104233/http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?id=4666 |archive-date=16 January 2014 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Cotula|first=Lorenzo|title=Gender and Law: Women's Rights in Agriculture|year=2006|publisher=FAO|location=Rome|isbn=9789251055632|pages=46–52|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JPDXvKekn0IC|access-date=25 March 2016|archive-date=13 February 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160213174949/https://books.google.com/books?id=JPDXvKekn0IC|url-status=live}}</ref> Judith Nolde argues that in general, South African women were "deprive[d] [...] of their human rights as individuals" under the apartheid system.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Nolde|first=Judith|date=1991|title=South African women under apartheid: Employment rights with particular focus on domestic service and forms of resistance to promote change.|url=https://scholar.valpo.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1074&context=twls|journal=Third World Legal Studies|volume=10|page=204|via=scholar.valpo.edu.|access-date=2 July 2020|archive-date=8 March 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210308155037/https://scholar.valpo.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1074&context=twls|url-status=live}}</ref> Jobs were often hard to find. Many Black and Coloured women worked as agricultural or [[domestic worker]]s, but wages were extremely low, if existent.<ref name="d">{{cite book|last1=Lapchick|first1=Richard E.|first2=Stephanie|last2=Urdang|year=1982|title=Oppression and Resistance: The Struggle of Women in Southern Africa|publisher=Greenwood Press|pages=48, 52 |isbn=9780313229602 |url=}}</ref> Children developed diseases caused by malnutrition and sanitation problems, and [[mortality rate]]s were therefore high. The controlled movement of black and Coloured workers within the country through the Natives Urban Areas Act of 1923 and the pass laws separated family members from one another, because men could prove their employment in urban centres while most women were merely [[Dependant|dependents]]; consequently, they risked being deported to rural areas.<ref name="bern">{{cite book|last=Bernstein|first=Hilda|year=1985|title=For their Triumphs and for their Tears: Women in Apartheid South Africa|publisher=International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa|page=48}}</ref> Even in rural areas there were legal hurdles for women to own land, and outside the cities jobs were scarce.<ref>{{cite book|last=Landis|first=Elizabeth S|title=African Women Under Apartheid|publisher=Africa Fund|year=1975|location=New York|pages=2–3}}</ref> === Sport under apartheid === {{See also|Rugby union and apartheid}} By the 1930s, [[association football]] mirrored the [[Balkanization|balkanised]] society of South Africa; football was divided into numerous institutions based on race: the (White) [[South African Football Association]], the South African Indian Football Association (SAIFA), the South African African Football Association (SAAFA) and its rival the South African Bantu Football Association, and the South African Coloured Football Association (SACFA). Lack of funds to provide proper equipment would be noticeable in regards to black amateur football matches; this revealed the unequal lives black South Africans were subject to, in contrast to Whites, who were much better off financially.<ref>{{cite book|last=Alegi|first=Peter|year=2004|title=Laduma! Soccer, Politics and Society in South Africa|publisher=University of KwaZula-Natal Press|page=59}}</ref> Apartheid's social engineering made it more difficult to compete across racial lines. Thus, in an effort to centralise finances, the federations merged in 1951, creating the South African Soccer Federation (SASF), which brought Black, Indian, and Coloured national associations into one body that opposed apartheid. This was generally opposed more and more by the growing apartheid government, and{{snds}}with urban segregation being reinforced with ongoing racist policies{{snds}}it was harder to play football along these racial lines. In 1956, the Pretoria regime{{snds}}the administrative capital of South Africa{{snds}}passed the first apartheid sports policy; by doing so, it emphasised the White-led government's opposition to inter-racialism. While football was plagued by racism, it also played a role in protesting apartheid and its policies. With the international bans from [[FIFA]] and other major sporting events, South Africa would be in the spotlight internationally. In a 1977 survey, white South Africans ranked the lack of international sport as one of the three most damaging consequences of apartheid.<ref name=robnixon>{{cite book|last=Nixon|first=Rob|year=1992|title=Apartheid on the Run: The South African Sports Boycott|publisher=Indiana University Press|pages=75, 77}}</ref> By the mid-1950s, Black South Africans would also use media to challenge the "racialisation" of sports in South Africa; anti-apartheid forces had begun to pinpoint sport as the "weakness" of white national morale. Black journalists for the ''Johannesburg Drum'' magazine were the first to give the issue public exposure, with an intrepid special issue in 1955 that asked, "Why shouldn't our blacks be allowed in the SA team?"<ref name=robnixon /> As time progressed, international standing with South Africa would continue to be strained. In the 1980s, as the oppressive system was slowly collapsing the ANC and National Party started negotiations on the end of apartheid, football associations also discussed the formation of a single, non-racial controlling body. This unity process accelerated in the late 1980s and led to the creation, in December 1991, of an incorporated South African Football Association. On 3 July 1992, FIFA finally welcomed South Africa back into international football. Sport has long been an important part of life in South Africa, and the boycotting of games by international teams had a profound effect on the white population, perhaps more so than the trade embargoes did. After the re-acceptance of South Africa's sports teams by the international community, sport played a major unifying role between the country's diverse ethnic groups. Mandela's open support of the predominantly white rugby fraternity during the [[1995 Rugby World Cup]] was considered instrumental in bringing together South African sports fans of all races.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Nauright|first=John|year=2004|title=Global Games: Culture, Political Economy and Sport in the Globalised World of the 21st Century|journal=Third World Quarterly|volume=25|issue=7|pages=1325–36|doi=10.1080/014365904200281302|s2cid=154741874}}</ref> ==== Professional boxing ==== Activities in the sport of professional boxing were also affected, as there were 44 recorded professional boxing fights for national titles as deemed "for Whites only" between 1955 and 1979,<ref>{{cite web|url=https://boxrec.com/en/titles?t%5Bbout_title%5D=389&t%5Bdivision%5D=schedule&t_go=|title=BoxRec: Titles|access-date=15 June 2021|archive-date=6 February 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220206070334/https://boxrec.com/en/titles?t%5Bbout_title%5D=389&t%5Bdivision%5D=schedule&t_go=|url-status=live}}</ref> and 397 fights as deemed "for non-Whites" between 1901 and 1978.<ref name="boxrec.com">{{cite web|url=https://boxrec.com/en/titles?t%5Bbout_title%5D=388&t%5Bdivision%5D=results&t_go=&offset=0|title=BoxRec: Titles|access-date=15 June 2021|archive-date=6 February 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220206070307/https://boxrec.com/en/titles?t%5Bbout_title%5D=388&t%5Bdivision%5D=results&t_go=&offset=0|url-status=live}}</ref> The first fight for a national "White" title was held on 9 April 1955, between Flyweights [[Jerry Jooste]] and Tiny Corbett at the City Hall in Johannesburg; it was won by Jooste by a twelve rounds points decision.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://boxrec.com/en/ent/634779|title=BoxRec|website=boxrec.com}}{{Dead link|date=February 2022|fix-attempted=yes}}</ref> The last one was between national "White" Light-Heavyweight champion [[Gerrie Bodenstein]] and challenger Mervin Smit on 5 February 1979, at the [[Joekies Ice Rink]] in [[Welkom]], [[Free State (province)|Free State]]. it was won by the champion by a fifth-round technical knockout.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://boxrec.com/en/event/291594|title=BoxRec: Event|access-date=15 June 2021|archive-date=5 November 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211105063753/https://boxrec.com/en/event/291594|url-status=live}}</ref> The first "non Whites" South African national championship bout on record apparently (the date appears as "uncertain" on the records) took place on 1 May 1901, between [[Andrew Jephtha]] and Johnny Arendse for the vacant Lightweight belt, Jephtha winning by knockout in round nineteen of a twenty rounds-scheduled match, in Cape Town.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://boxrec.com/en/event/522824|title=BoxRec: Event|access-date=15 June 2021|archive-date=6 February 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220206070302/https://boxrec.com/en/event/522824|url-status=live}}</ref> The last "non White" title bout took place on 18 December 1978, between [[Sipho Mange]] and [[Chris Kid Dlamini]]; Mange-Dlamini was the culminating fight of a boxing program that included several other "non White" championship contests. Mange won the vacant non-White Super Bantamweight title by outpointing Dlamini over twelve rounds at the [[Goodwood Showgrounds]] in Cape Town.<ref name="boxrec.com"/> === Asians during apartheid === {{Further|Indian South Africans|Chinese South Africans|Honorary whites}} [[File:1963-1-10 Durban - Indian woman dia 2.jpg|thumb|[[Indian South African]]s in Durban, 1963]] Defining its Asian population, a minority that did not appear to belong to any of the initial three designated non-white groups, was a constant dilemma for the apartheid government. The classification of "[[honorary white]]" (a term which would be ambiguously used throughout apartheid) was granted to immigrants from [[Japan]], [[South Korea]] and [[Taiwan]]{{snds}}countries with which South Africa maintained diplomatic and economic relations<ref>{{cite news|url=https://blogs.wsj.com/chinajournal/2008/06/19/in-south-africa-chinese-is-the-new-black|date=19 June 2008|title=In South Africa, Chinese is the New Black|publisher=China Realtime Report|access-date=4 August 2017|archive-date=24 July 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090724024004/http://blogs.wsj.com/chinajournal/2008/06/19/in-south-africa-chinese-is-the-new-black/|url-status=live}}</ref>{{snds}}and to their descendants. [[Indian South Africans]] during apartheid were classified many ranges of categories from "Asian" to "black" {{clarify|date=June 2014}} to "Coloured" {{clarify|date=June 2014}} and even the mono-ethnic category of "Indian", but never as white, having been considered "nonwhite" throughout South Africa's history. The group faced severe discrimination during the apartheid regime and were subject to numerous racialist policies. In 2005, a retrospect study was done by Josephine C. Naidoo and Devi Moodley Rajab, where they interviewed a series of Indian South Africans about their experience living through apartheid; their study highlighted education, the workplace, and general day to day living. One participant who was a doctor said that it was considered the norm for Non-White and White doctors to mingle while working at the hospital but when there was any down time or breaks, they were to go back to their segregated quarters. Not only was there severe segregation for doctors, non-white, more specifically Indians, were paid three to four times less than their white counterparts. Many described being treated as a "third class citizen" due to the humiliation of the standard of treatment for non-white employees across many professions. Many Indians described a sense of justified superiority from whites due to the apartheid laws that, in the minds of White South Africans, legitimised those feelings. Another finding of this study was the psychological damage done to Indians living in South Africa during apartheid. One of the biggest long-term effects on Indians was the distrust of white South Africans. There was a strong degree of alienation that left a strong psychological feeling of inferiority.<ref>{{cite journal | doi=10.1177/097133360501700204|title = The Dynamics of Oppression| journal=Psychology and Developing Societies| volume=17| issue=2| pages=139–159|year = 2005|last1 = Naidoo|first1 = Josephine C.| last2=Rajab| first2=Devi Moodley|s2cid = 145782935}}</ref> [[Chinese South Africans]]{{snds}}who were descendants of migrant workers who came to work in the [[Gold mining|gold mines]] around Johannesburg in the late 19th century{{snds}}were initially either classified as "Coloured" or "Other Asian" and were subject to numerous forms of discrimination and restriction.<ref name="Sze memoir">{{cite book|last1=Sze |first1=Szeming |title=World War II Memoirs, 1941–1945 |date=2014 |publisher=University of Pittsburgh |location=Pittsburgh |page=42 |edition=Digital |url=http://digital.library.pitt.edu/cgi-bin/t/text/text-idx?idno=31735066261615;view=toc;c=ulstext |access-date=7 November 2014 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141108030328/http://digital.library.pitt.edu/cgi-bin/t/text/text-idx?idno=31735066261615%3Bview%3Dtoc%3Bc%3Dulstext |archive-date=8 November 2014 }}</ref> It was not until 1984 that [[Chinese South Africans|South African Chinese]], increased to about 10,000, were given the same official rights as the [[Japanese diaspora|Japanese]], to be treated as whites in terms of the Group Areas Act, although they still faced discrimination and did not receive all the benefits/rights of their newly obtained honorary white status such as voting.{{citation needed|date=July 2013}}<ref>{{cite web|title=From second-class citizen to 'Honorary White': changing state views of Chinese in South Africa|url=http://wiredspace.wits.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10539/1672/02Park_Chapter%202.pdf;jsessionid=D5157BAA085FC8DC8E63F3097E863396?sequence=2|last=Morsy|first=Soheir|website=Wiredspace|access-date=28 May 2020|archive-date=26 July 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200726090100/http://wiredspace.wits.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10539/1672/02Park_Chapter%202.pdf;jsessionid=D5157BAA085FC8DC8E63F3097E863396?sequence=2|url-status=live}}</ref> [[Overseas Indonesians|Indonesians]] arrived at the Cape of Good Hope as slaves until the abolishment of slavery during the 19th century. They were predominantly [[Muslims|Muslim]], were allowed religious freedom and formed their own ethnic group/community known as [[Cape Malays]]. They were classified as part of the Coloured racial group.<ref>[http://heritage.thetimes.co.za/memorials/wc/RaceClassificationBoard/article.aspx?id=591128 An appalling "science"] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120423220247/http://heritage.thetimes.co.za/memorials/wc/RaceClassificationBoard/article.aspx?id=591128 |date=23 April 2012 }}</ref> This was the same for South Africans of [[Malaysians|Malaysian]] descent who were also classified as part of the Coloured race and thus considered "not-white".<ref name="Intro" /> South Africans of [[Filipinos|Filipino]] descent were classified as "black" due to historical outlook on Filipinos by White South Africans, and many of them lived in Bantustans.<ref name="Intro" /> The [[Lebanese people in South Africa|Lebanese population]] were somewhat of an anomaly during the apartheid era. Lebanese immigration to South Africa was chiefly Christian, and the group was originally classified as non-white; however, a court case in 1913 ruled that because Lebanese and Syrians originated from the [[Canaan]] region (the birthplace of [[Christianity]] and [[Judaism]]), they could not be discriminated against by race laws which targeted non-believers, and thus, were classified as white. The Lebanese community maintained their white status after the [[Population Registration Act]] came into effect; however, further immigration from the Middle East was restricted.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Muglia |first1=Caroline |title=Albinos in the Laager – Being Lebanese in South Africa |url=https://lebanesestudies.news.chass.ncsu.edu/2016/06/21/albinos-in-the-laager-being-lebanese-in-south-africa/ |website=Khayrallah Center for Lebanese Diaspora Studies News |publisher=North Carolina State University |access-date=26 April 2020 |date=21 June 2016 |archive-date=25 April 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200425074930/https://lebanesestudies.news.chass.ncsu.edu/2016/06/21/albinos-in-the-laager-being-lebanese-in-south-africa/ |url-status=live }}</ref> === Conservatism === Alongside apartheid, the National Party implemented a programme of social conservatism. Pornography,<ref>JCW Van Rooyen, Censorship in South Africa (Cape Town: Juta and Co., 1987), 5.</ref> [[Gambling in South Africa|gambling]]<ref>Bet and board in the new South Africa. (legalisation of gambling could lead to growth of casinos, lotteries)(Brief Article) ''The Economist'' (US) | 5 August 1995</ref> and works from [[Karl Marx|Marx]], [[Vladimir Lenin|Lenin]] and other socialist thinkers<ref>{{cite book |last1=Fauvet |first1=Paul |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dnOIJThvRssC&pg=PA20 |title=Carlos Cardoso: Telling the Truth in Mozambique |last2=Mosse |first2=Marcelo |date=2003 |publisher=Juta and Company Ltd |isbn=978-1-919930-31-2 |pages=20 |language=en}}</ref> were banned. Cinemas, shops selling alcohol and most other businesses were [[blue law|forbidden from opening on Sundays]].<ref>Apartheid mythology and symbolism. desegregated and re-invented in the service of nation building in the new South Africa: the covenant and the battle of Blood/Ncome River</ref> [[Abortion]],<ref name="apfn.org">{{cite web |url=http://www.apfn.org/THEWINDS/arc_features/racial/safrica5-97.html |title=WINDS – South Africa Apartheid Defined by {{sic|Amer|cian|nolink=y}} Apartheid |publisher=Apfn.org |access-date=3 January 2011 |archive-date=12 June 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110612134859/http://www.apfn.org/THEWINDS/arc_features/racial/safrica5-97.html |url-status=live }}</ref> homosexuality<ref>{{cite journal | doi = 10.1136/bmj.329.7480.1415 | volume=329 | title=Treatment of homosexuality during apartheid | year=2004 | journal=BMJ | pages=1415–1416 | last1 = Kaplan | first1 = R. M | issue=7480 | pmid=15604160 | pmc=535952}}</ref> and sex education were also restricted; abortion was legal only in cases of rape or if the mother's life was threatened.<ref name="apfn.org" /> Television [[Television in South Africa|was not introduced]] until 1976 because the government viewed English programming as a threat to the Afrikaans language.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://laboratoires.univ-reunion.fr/oracle/documents/217.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090825105441/http://laboratoires.univ-reunion.fr/oracle/documents/217.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=25 August 2009 |title=Why South Africa's Television is only Twenty Years Old: Debating Civilisation, 1958–1969 |first=Bernard |last=Cros |year=1997 }}</ref> Television was run on apartheid lines{{snds}}TV1 broadcast in Afrikaans and English (geared to a White audience), TV2 in Zulu and Xhosa, TV3 in Sotho, Tswana and [[Northern Sotho language|Pedi]] (both geared to a Black audience), and TV4 mostly showed programmes for an urban Black audience. == Internal resistance == {{more citations needed|section|date=January 2020}} {{Main|Internal resistance to apartheid}} [[File:Queenstown massacre.jpg|thumb|Demonstrators at the funeral for victims of the 1985 [[Queenstown Massacre]]]] Apartheid sparked significant internal resistance.<ref name="Lodge 1983" /> The government responded to a series of popular uprisings and protests with police brutality, which in turn increased local support for the armed resistance struggle.<ref name="ANC Armed Struggle">{{cite web |url=http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/mk/forward.html#* |title=Armed Struggle and Umkhonto / Morogoro |author=African National Congress |year=1987 |access-date=28 December 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071216163218/http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/mk/forward.html |archive-date=16 December 2007 |url-status=dead }}</ref> Internal resistance to the apartheid system in South Africa came from several sectors of society and saw the creation of organisations dedicated variously to peaceful protests, passive resistance and armed insurrection. In 1949, the [[African National Congress Youth League|youth wing]] of the [[African National Congress]] (ANC) took control of the organisation and started advocating a radical [[African nationalism|African nationalist]] programme. The new young leaders proposed that white authority could only be overthrown through mass campaigns. In 1950 that philosophy saw the launch of the Programme of Action, a series of strikes, boycotts and civil disobedience actions that led to occasional violent clashes with the authorities. In 1959, a group of disenchanted ANC members formed the [[Pan Africanist Congress of Azania]] (PAC), which organised a demonstration against pass books on 21 March 1960. One of those protests was held in the township of [[Sharpeville]], where 69 people were killed by police in the [[Sharpeville massacre]]. In the wake of Sharpeville, the government declared a state of emergency. More than 18,000 people were arrested, including leaders of the ANC and PAC, and both organisations were banned. The resistance went underground, with some leaders in exile abroad and others engaged in campaigns of domestic sabotage and terrorism. In May 1961, before the declaration of South Africa as a Republic, an assembly representing the banned ANC called for negotiations between the members of the different ethnic groupings, threatening demonstrations and strikes during the inauguration of the Republic if their calls were ignored. When the government overlooked them, the strikers (among the main organisers was a 42-year-old, [[Thembu]]-origin [[Nelson Mandela]]) carried out their threats. The government countered swiftly by giving police the authority to arrest people for up to twelve days and detaining many strike leaders amid numerous cases of police brutality.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20081123041201/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,938112,00.html A War Won], ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'', 9 June 1961</ref> Defeated, the protesters called off their strike. The ANC then chose to launch an armed struggle through a newly formed military wing, [[Umkhonto we Sizwe]] (MK), which would perform acts of sabotage on tactical state structures. Its first sabotage plans were carried out on 16 December 1961, the anniversary of the [[Battle of Blood River]]. In the 1970s, the [[Black Consciousness Movement]] (BCM) was created by tertiary students influenced by the Black Power movement in the US. BCM endorsed black pride and African customs and did much to alter the feelings of inadequacy instilled among black people by the apartheid system. The leader of the movement, [[Steve Biko]], was taken into custody on 18 August 1977 and was beaten to death in detention. In 1976, secondary students in Soweto took to the streets in the [[Soweto uprising]] to protest against the imposition of Afrikaans as the only language of instruction. On 16 June, police opened fire on students protesting peacefully. According to official reports 23 people were killed, but the number of people who died is usually given as 176, with estimates of up to 700.<ref>[http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheid/a/Soweto-Uprising-Pt2.htm 16 June 1976 Student Uprising in Soweto] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170301181628/http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheid/a/Soweto-Uprising-Pt2.htm |date=1 March 2017 }}. africanhistory.about.com</ref><ref name="Harrison1987">{{cite book|title=The White Tribe of Africa|year=1987|first=David|last=Harrison}}</ref><ref>([[Les Payne]] of Newsday said at least 850 murders were documented) Elsabe Brink; Gandhi Malungane; Steve Lebelo; Dumisani Ntshangase; Sue Krige, ''Soweto 16 June 1976'', 2001, 9</ref> In the following years several student organisations were formed to protest against apartheid, and these organisations were central to urban school boycotts in 1980 and 1983 and rural boycotts in 1985 and 1986. [[File:MK Attacks.JPG|thumb|left|250px|List of attacks attributed to MK and compiled by the Committee for South African War Resistance (COSAWR) between 1980 and 1983.]] In parallel with student protests, labour unions started protest action in 1973 and 1974. After 1976 unions and workers are considered to have played an important role in the struggle against apartheid, filling the gap left by the banning of political parties. In 1979 black trade unions were legalised and could engage in collective bargaining, although strikes were still illegal. Economist [[Thomas Sowell]] wrote that basic supply and demand led to violations of Apartheid "on a massive scale" throughout the nation, simply because there were not enough white South African business owners to meet the demand for various goods and services. Large portions of the garment industry and construction of new homes, for example, were effectively owned and operated by blacks, who either worked surreptitiously or who circumvented the law with a white person as a nominal, figurehead manager.<ref>Sowell, Thomas (2004, 2009). ''Applied Economics: Thinking Beyond Stage One''. Second Edition, NY: Basic Books. Ch. 7: The Economics of Discrimination.</ref> In 1983, anti-apartheid leaders determined to resist the tricameral parliament assembled to form the [[United Democratic Front (South Africa)|United Democratic Front]] (UDF) in order to coordinate anti-apartheid activism inside South Africa. The first presidents of the UDF were [[Archie Gumede]], [[Oscar Mpetha]] and [[Albertina Sisulu]]; patrons were Archbishop [[Desmond Tutu]], Dr [[Allan Boesak]], [[Helen Joseph]], and [[Nelson Mandela]]. Basing its platform on abolishing apartheid and creating a nonracial democratic South Africa, the UDF provided a legal way for domestic human rights groups and individuals of all races to organise demonstrations and campaign against apartheid inside the country. Churches and church groups also emerged as pivotal points of resistance. Church leaders were not immune to prosecution, and certain faith-based organisations were banned, but the clergy generally had more freedom to criticise the government than militant groups did. The UDF, coupled with the protection of the church, accordingly permitted a major role for Archbishop [[Desmond Tutu]], who served both as a prominent domestic voice and international spokesperson denouncing apartheid and urging the creation of a shared nonracial state.<ref>Nelson Mandela Foundation, [https://www.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02424/04lv02730/05lv03188/06lv03222.htm United Democratic Front] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170517115132/https://www.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02424/04lv02730/05lv03188/06lv03222.htm |date=17 May 2017 }}</ref> Although the majority of whites supported apartheid, some 20 percent did not. Parliamentary opposition was galvanised by [[Helen Suzman]], [[Colin Eglin]] and [[Harry Schwarz]], who formed the [[Progressive Federal Party]]. Extra-parliamentary resistance was largely centred in the [[South African Communist Party]] and women's organisation the [[Black Sash]]. Women were also notable in their involvement in trade union organisations and banned political parties. The public intellectuals too, such as [[Nadine Gordimer]] the eminent author and winner of the [[Nobel Prize in Literature]] (1991), vehemently opposed the Apartheid regime and accordingly bolstered the movement against it. == International relations during apartheid == {{International opposition to Apartheid}} {{Main|Foreign relations of South Africa during apartheid}} === Commonwealth === South Africa's policies were subject to international scrutiny in 1960, when [[Prime Minister of the United Kingdom|British Prime Minister]] [[Harold Macmillan]] criticised them during his [[Wind of Change (speech)|Wind of Change]] speech in [[Cape Town]]. Weeks later, tensions came to a head in the [[Sharpeville massacre]], resulting in more international condemnation. Soon afterwards, [[Prime Minister of South Africa|Prime Minister]] [[Hendrik Verwoerd]] announced a [[1960 South Africa referendum|referendum]] on whether the country should become a republic. Verwoerd lowered the voting age for Whites to eighteen years of age and included Whites in [[South West Africa]] on the roll. The referendum on 5 October that year asked Whites; "Are you in favour of a Republic for the Union?", and 52% voted "Yes".<ref>{{cite web|title=Apartheid part 06|url=http://www.okbuy.eu/info-apartheid-part-06/|author=<!--Staff writer(s); no by-line.-->|date=19 September 2017|website=Prime okbuy.eu search gizmo|language=en-US|access-date=27 May 2020|archive-date=3 July 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200703144915/http://www.okbuy.eu/info-apartheid-part-06/|url-status=live}}</ref> As a consequence of this change of status, South Africa needed to reapply for continued membership of the [[Commonwealth of Nations|Commonwealth]], with which it had privileged trade links. [[India]] had become a [[republic within the Commonwealth]] in 1950, but it became clear that African and South and Southeast Asian member states would oppose South Africa due to its apartheid policies. As a result, South Africa withdrew from the Commonwealth on 31 May 1961, the day that the Republic came into existence. === United Nations === {{blockquote|We stand here today to salute the United Nations Organisation and its Member States, both singly and collectively, for joining forces with the masses of our people in a common struggle that has brought about our emancipation and pushed back the frontiers of racism.| [[Nelson Mandela]], address to the United Nations as South African President, 3 October 1994<ref>[https://www.un.org/en/events/mandeladay/apartheid.shtml Nelson Mandela] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170620051301/http://www.un.org/en/events/mandeladay/apartheid.shtml |date=20 June 2017 }} United Nations</ref>}} The apartheid system as an issue was first formally brought to the [[United Nations]] attention, in order to advocate for the Indians residing in South Africa. On 22 June 1946, the Indian government requested that the discriminatory treatment of Indians living in South Africa be included on the agenda of the first General Assembly session.<ref name="autogenerated2">{{Citation |title=Remarks at memorial ceremony for Nelson Mandela, Johannesburg, 10 December 2013|date=16 December 2016|doi = 10.18356/c18bc974-en}}</ref> In 1952, apartheid was again discussed in the aftermath of the Defiance Campaign, and the UN set up a task team to keep watch on the progress of apartheid and the racial state of affairs in South Africa. Although South Africa's racial policies were a cause for concern, most countries in the UN concurred that this was a domestic affair, which fell outside the UN's jurisdiction.<ref>Ampiah, Kweku (1997). ''The dynamics of Japan's relations with Africa: South Africa, Tanzania and Nigeria.'' CRC Press. p. 147.</ref> In April 1960, the UN's conservative stance on apartheid changed following the [[Sharpeville massacre]], and the [[United Nations Security Council|Security Council]] for the first time agreed on concerted action against the apartheid regime. [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 134|Resolution 134]] called upon the nation of South Africa to abandon its policies implementing racial discrimination. The newly founded United Nations Special Committee Against Apartheid, scripted and passed [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 181|Resolution 181]] on 7 August 1963, which called upon all states to cease the sale and shipment of all ammunition and military vehicles to South Africa. This clause was finally declared mandatory on 4 November 1977, depriving South Africa of military aid. From 1964 onwards, the US and the UK discontinued their [[Arms industry|arms trade]] with South Africa. The Security Council also condemned the Soweto massacre in [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 392|Resolution 392]]. In 1977, the voluntary UN arms embargo became mandatory with the passing of [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 418|Resolution 418]]. In addition to isolating South Africa militarily, the United Nations General Assembly, encouraged the boycotting of oil sales to South Africa.<ref name="autogenerated2"/> Other actions taken by the United Nations General Assembly include the request for all nations and organisations, "to suspend cultural, educational, sporting and other exchanges with the racist regime and with organisations or institutions in South Africa which practise apartheid".<ref name="autogenerated2"/> Illustrating that over a long period of time, the United Nations was working towards isolating the state of South Africa, by putting pressure on the Apartheid regime. After much debate, by the late-1980s, the United States, the United Kingdom, and 23 other nations had passed laws placing various trade sanctions on South Africa. A [[disinvestment from South Africa]] movement in many countries was similarly widespread, with individual cities and provinces around the world implementing various laws and local regulations forbidding registered corporations under their jurisdiction from doing business with South African firms, factories, or banks.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://actrav.itcilo.org/actrav-english/telearn/global/ilo/guide/antia.htm|title=Summary of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act|publisher=[[United States Congress]]|access-date=22 February 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110722054047/http://actrav.itcilo.org/actrav-english/telearn/global/ilo/guide/antia.htm|archive-date=22 July 2011|url-status=dead}}</ref> === Catholic Church === [[Pope John Paul II]] was an outspoken opponent of apartheid. In 1985, while visiting the [[Netherlands]], he gave an impassioned speech at the [[International Court of Justice]] condemning apartheid, proclaiming that "no system of apartheid or separate development will ever be acceptable as a model for the relations between peoples or races."<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20130309014419/http://articles.latimes.com/1985-05-13/news/mn-9935_1_afrikaners Pope Attacks Apartheid in Speech at U.N. Court] ''[[Los Angeles Times]]'', 13 May 1985</ref> In September 1988, he made a pilgrimage to countries bordering South Africa, while demonstratively avoiding South Africa itself. During his visit to [[Zimbabwe]], he called for economic sanctions against the South African government.<ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/1995/09/17/world/pope-s-south-africa-visit-honors-2-vows.html Pope's South Africa Visit Honours 2 Vows] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170314082754/http://www.nytimes.com/1995/09/17/world/pope-s-south-africa-visit-honors-2-vows.html |date=14 March 2017 }} ''[[The New York Times]]'', 13 May 1995</ref> === Organisation for African Unity === {{See also|Lusaka Manifesto}} The [[Organisation of African Unity]] (OAU) was created in 1963. Its primary objectives were to eradicate colonialism and improve social, political and economic situations in Africa. It censured apartheid and demanded sanctions against South Africa. African states agreed to aid the liberation movements in their fight against apartheid.<ref name=geld>Geldenhuys, Deon (1990). ''Isolated states: a comparative analysis.'' Cambridge University Press. p. 274.</ref> In 1969, fourteen nations from Central and East Africa gathered in [[Lusaka]], [[Zambia]], and formulated the ''[[Lusaka Manifesto]]'', which was signed on 13 April by all of the countries in attendance except [[Malawi]].<ref>Royal African Society (1970). ''African affairs, Volumes 69–70.'' Oxford University Press. p. 178.</ref> This manifesto was later taken on by both the OAU and the United Nations.<ref name=geld /> The [[Lusaka Manifesto]] summarised the political situations of self-governing African countries, condemning racism and inequity, and calling for Black majority rule in all African nations.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Hall | first1 = Richard | year = 1970 | title = The Lusaka Manifesto | journal = African Affairs | volume = 69 | issue = 275| pages = 178–179 | doi=10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a095995}}</ref> It did not rebuff South Africa entirely, though, adopting an appeasing manner towards the apartheid government, and even recognizing its autonomy. Although African leaders supported the emancipation of Black South Africans, they preferred this to be attained through peaceful means.<ref>Rubin, Leslie; Weinstein, Brian (1977). ''Introduction to African politics: a continental approach.'' Praeger. p. 128.</ref> South Africa's negative response to the Lusaka Manifesto and rejection of a change to its policies brought about another OAU announcement in October 1971. The ''Mogadishu Declaration'' stated that South Africa's rebuffing of negotiations meant that its Black people could only be freed through military means, and that no African state should converse with the apartheid government.<ref>Klotz, Audie (1999). ''Norms in International Relations: The Struggle Against Apartheid.'' Cornell University Press. p. 77.</ref> === Outward-looking policy === In 1966, [[B. J. Vorster]] became Prime Minister. He was not prepared to dismantle apartheid, but he did try to redress South Africa's isolation and to revitalise the country's global reputation, even those with Black majority rule in Africa. This he called his "Outward-Looking" policy.<ref>{{cite book|last=Pfister|first=Roger|title=Apartheid South Africa and African States: From Pariah to Middle Power, 1962–1994|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YABvZRghzkAC&pg=PA39|year=2005|publisher=I.B.Tauris|isbn=978-1-85043-625-6|access-date=25 March 2016|archive-date=11 May 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160511164931/https://books.google.com/books?id=YABvZRghzkAC&pg=PA39|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Beck|first=Roger B. |title=The History of South Africa|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780313307300|url-access=registration|page=[https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780313307300/page/151 151]|year=2000|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|isbn=978-0-313-30730-0|access-date=25 March 2016}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Ndlovu|first=Sifiso Mxolisi|title=The Road to Democracy in South Africa: 1970–1980|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JGE-XB5QlD8C&pg=PA616|volume=2|year=2004|publisher=Unisa Press|isbn=978-1-86888-406-3|chapter=The ANC's Diplomacy and International Relations|access-date=13 August 2015|archive-date=10 November 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151110183749/https://books.google.com/books?id=JGE-XB5QlD8C&pg=PA616|url-status=live}}</ref> Vorster's willingness to talk to African leaders stood in contrast to Verwoerd's refusal to engage with leaders such as [[Abubakar Tafawa Balewa]] of [[Nigeria]] in 1962 and [[Kenneth Kaunda]] of [[Zambia]] in 1964. In 1966, he met the heads of the neighbouring states of [[Lesotho]], [[Swaziland]] and [[Botswana]]. In 1967, he offered technological and financial aid to any African state prepared to receive it, asserting that no political strings were attached, aware that many African states needed financial aid despite their opposition to South Africa's racial policies. Many were also tied to South Africa economically because of their migrant labour population working down the South African mines. Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland remained outspoken critics of apartheid, but were dependent on South African economic assistance. [[Malawi]] was the first non-neighbouring country to accept South African aid. In 1967, the two states set out their political and economic relations. In 1969, Malawi was the only country at the assembly which did not sign the Lusaka Manifesto condemning South Africa's apartheid policy. In 1970, Malawian president [[Hastings Banda]] made his first and most successful official stopover in South Africa. Associations with Mozambique followed suit and were sustained after that country won its sovereignty in 1975. Angola was also granted South African loans. Other countries which formed relationships with South Africa were [[Liberia]], [[Ivory Coast]], Madagascar, [[Mauritius]], Gabon, [[Zaire]] (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo) and the [[Central African Republic]]. Although these states condemned apartheid (more than ever after South Africa's denunciation of the Lusaka Manifesto), South Africa's economic and military dominance meant that they remained dependent on South Africa to varying degrees{{clarify|date=September 2014}}. === Sports and culture === {{Main|Sporting boycott of South Africa|Rugby union and apartheid}} ====Beginning==== South Africa's isolation in sport began in the mid-1950s and increased throughout the 1960s. Apartheid forbade multiracial sport, which meant that overseas teams, by virtue of them having players of different races, could not play in South Africa. In 1956, the [[International Table Tennis Federation]] severed its ties with the all-White South African Table Tennis Union, preferring the non-racial South African Table Tennis Board. The apartheid government responded by confiscating the passports of the Board's players so that they were unable to attend international games. ====Isolation==== ====Verwoerd years==== In 1959, the non-racial South African Sports Association (SASA) was formed to secure the rights of all players on the global field. After meeting with no success in its endeavours to attain credit by collaborating with White establishments, SASA approached the [[International Olympic Committee]] (IOC) in 1962, calling for South Africa's expulsion from the Olympic Games. The IOC sent South Africa a caution to the effect that, if there were no changes, they would be barred from competing at the [[1964 Summer Olympics|1964 Olympic Games]] in [[Tokyo]]. The changes were initiated, and in January 1963, the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee (SANROC) was set up. The Anti-Apartheid Movement persisted in its campaign for South Africa's exclusion, and the IOC acceded in barring the country from the 1964 Olympic Games. South Africa selected a multi-racial team for the next Olympic Games, and the IOC opted for incorporation in the [[1968 Summer Olympics|1968 Mexico City Olympic Games]]. Because of protests from AAMs and African nations, however, the IOC was forced to retract the invitation. [[File:Hamilton2.jpg|thumb|Protests against the 1981 Springbok tour of New Zealand]] Foreign complaints about South Africa's bigoted sports brought more isolation. Racially selected New Zealand sports teams toured South Africa, until the 1970 [[All Blacks]] rugby tour allowed [[Māori people|Maori]] to enter the country under the status of "honorary Whites". Huge and widespread protests occurred in [[1981 South Africa rugby union tour of New Zealand|New Zealand in 1981]] against the [[Springboks|Springbok]] tour{{snds}}the government spent $8,000,000 protecting games using the army and police force. A planned All Black tour to South Africa in 1985 remobilised the New Zealand protesters and it was cancelled. A "rebel tour"{{snds}}not government sanctioned{{snds}}went ahead in 1986, but after that sporting ties were cut, and New Zealand made a decision not to convey an authorised rugby team to South Africa until the end of apartheid.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/culture/1981-springbok-tour |title=The 1981 Springbok rugby tour{{snds}}A country divided |work=NZ History |publisher=[[Ministry for Culture and Heritage]] |location=New Zealand |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081220020649/http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/culture/1981-springbok-tour |archive-date=20 December 2008 |url-status=live}}</ref> ====Vorster years==== On 6 September 1966, Verwoerd was fatally stabbed at Parliament House by parliamentary messenger [[Dimitri Tsafendas]]. [[John Vorster]] took office shortly after, and announced that South Africa would no longer dictate to the international community what their teams should look like. Although this reopened the gate for international sporting meets, it did not signal the end of South Africa's racist sporting policies. In 1968, Vorster went against his policy by refusing to permit [[Basil D'Oliveira]], a Coloured South African-born cricketer, to join the English cricket team on its tour to South Africa. Vorster said that the side had been chosen only to prove a point, and not on merit. D'Oliveira was eventually included in the team as the first substitute, but the tour was cancelled. Protests against certain tours brought about the cancellation of a number of other visits, including that of an England rugby team touring South Africa in 1969–70. The first of the "White Bans" occurred in 1971 when the Chairman of the Australian Cricketing Association{{snds}}[[Don Bradman|Sir Don Bradman]]{{snds}}flew to South Africa to meet Vorster. Vorster had expected Bradman to allow the tour of the Australian cricket team to go ahead, but things became heated after Bradman asked why Black sportsmen were not allowed to play cricket. Vorster stated that Blacks were intellectually inferior and had no finesse for the game. Bradman, thinking this ignorant and repugnant, asked Vorster if he had heard of a man named [[Garry Sobers]]. On his return to [[Australia]], Bradman released a short statement: "We will not play them until they choose a team on a non-racist basis."<ref>[https://www.smh.com.au/news/cricket/the-day-apartheid-was-hit-for-six/2008/08/22/1219262525329.html The Day Apartheid Was Hit For Six] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151025110914/http://www.smh.com.au/news/cricket/the-day-apartheid-was-hit-for-six/2008/08/22/1219262525329.html |date=25 October 2015 }}. ''The Sydney Morning Herald''.</ref> Bradman's views were in stark contrast to those of Australian tennis great [[Margaret Court]], who had won the [[grand slam (tennis)|grand slam]] the previous year and commented about apartheid that "South Africans have this thing better organised than any other country, particularly America" and that she would "go back there any time."<ref>{{cite news|title = Margaret Court: astounding champion who found God and lost the respect of a nation|url = https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2017/jun/03/margaret-court-astounding-champion-who-found-god-and-lost-the-respect-of-a-nation|work = [[Guardian Australia]]|first = Russell|last = Jackson|access-date = 7 November 2019|date = 3 June 2017|archive-date = 7 November 2019|archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20191107090021/https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2017/jun/03/margaret-court-astounding-champion-who-found-god-and-lost-the-respect-of-a-nation|url-status = live}}</ref> In South Africa, Vorster vented his anger publicly against Bradman, while the African National Congress rejoiced. This was the first time a predominantly White nation had taken the side of multiracial sport, producing an unsettling resonance that more "White" boycotts were coming.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.dreamcricket.com/community/blogs/cover_points/archive/2008/08/23/bradman-s-perfection.aspx |title=Bradman's Perfection |publisher=DreamCricket |access-date=19 June 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110710151045/http://www.dreamcricket.com/community/blogs/cover_points/archive/2008/08/23/bradman-s-perfection.aspx |archive-date=10 July 2011 |url-status=dead }}</ref> Almost twenty years later, on his release from prison, Nelson Mandela asked a visiting Australian statesman if Donald Bradman, his childhood hero, was still alive (Bradman lived until 2001). In 1971, Vorster altered his policies even further by distinguishing multiracial from multinational sport. Multiracial sport, between teams with players of different races, remained outlawed; multinational sport, however, was now acceptable: international sides would not be subject to South Africa's racial stipulations. In 1978, Nigeria [[boycott]]ed the [[1978 Commonwealth Games|Commonwealth Games]] because New Zealand's sporting contacts with the South African government were not considered to be in accordance with the 1977 [[Gleneagles Agreement]]. Nigeria also led the 32-nation boycott of the [[1986 Commonwealth Games]] because of UK Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher|Margaret Thatcher's]] ambivalent attitude towards sporting links with South Africa, significantly affecting the quality and profitability of the Games and thus thrusting apartheid into the international spotlight.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://experts.about.com/e/c/co/Commonwealth_Games.htm|title=Commonwealth Games|publisher=About.com|access-date=7 February 2007| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20060527215130/http://experts.about.com/e/c/co/Commonwealth_Games.htm| archive-date=27 May 2006| url-status=live}}</ref> ====Cultural boycott==== In the 1960s, the Anti-Apartheid Movements began to campaign for cultural boycotts of apartheid South Africa. Artists were requested not to present or let their works be hosted in South Africa. In 1963, 45 British writers put their signatures to an affirmation approving of the boycott, and, in 1964, American actor [[Marlon Brando]] called for a similar affirmation for films. In 1965, the [[Writers' Guild of Great Britain]] called for a proscription on the sending of films to South Africa. Over sixty American artists signed a statement against apartheid and against professional links with the state. The presentation of some South African plays in the United Kingdom and the United States was also vetoed.{{by whom|date=December 2018}}{{citation needed|date=October 2021}} After the arrival of [[TV|television]] in South Africa in 1975, the British Actors Union, [[Equity (trade union)|Equity]], boycotted the service, and no British programme concerning its associates could be sold to South Africa. Similarly, when [[home video]] grew popular in the 1980s, the Australian arm of [[CBS/Fox Video]] (now [[20th Century Fox Home Entertainment]]) placed stickers on their [[VHS]] and [[Betamax]] cassettes which labelled exporting such cassettes to South Africa as "an infringement of copyright".<ref>{{cite web |url=https://vhscollector.com/sites/default/files/vhs/domino-principal-vhs-5-29047.jpg |title=Archived copy |access-date=16 April 2019 |archive-date=16 April 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190416142637/https://vhscollector.com/sites/default/files/vhs/domino-principal-vhs-5-29047.jpg |url-status=live }}</ref> Sporting and cultural boycotts did not have the same effect as economic sanctions,{{Citation needed|date=January 2017}} but they did much to lift consciousness amongst normal South Africans of the global condemnation of apartheid. === Western influence === {{see also|International sanctions during apartheid}} [[File:Boycott Apartheid Bus, London, UK. 1989.jpg|thumb|London bus in 1989 carrying the "Boycott Apartheid" message.]] While international opposition to apartheid grew, the [[Nordic countries]]{{snds}}and [[Sweden]] in particular{{snds}}provided both moral and financial support for the [[African National Congress|ANC]].<ref>International Labour Office (1991). ''Apartheid: Special Report of the Directed General on the Application of the Decoration Concerning the Policy of South Africa.'' [[International Labour Organization]]. p. 46.</ref> On 21 February 1986{{spaced ndash}}a week before he was assassinated{{spaced ndash}}[[Sweden|Sweden's]] Prime Minister [[Olof Palme]] made the [[keynote]] address to the ''Swedish People's Parliament Against Apartheid'' held in [[Stockholm]].<ref>Bangura, Abdul Karim (2004). ''Sweden vs apartheid: putting morality ahead of profit.'' Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 104.</ref> In addressing the hundreds of anti-apartheid sympathisers as well as leaders and officials from the ANC and the [[Anti-Apartheid Movement]] such as [[Oliver Tambo]], Palme declared: "Apartheid cannot be reformed; it has to be eliminated."<ref>Grieg, Charlotte (2008). ''Cold Blooded Killings: Hits, Assassinations, and Near Misses That Shook the World.'' Booksales Inc Remainders. p. 43.</ref> Other Western countries adopted a more ambivalent position. In [[Switzerland]], the [[Swiss-South African Association]] lobbied on behalf of the South African government. The [[Presidency of Richard Nixon|Nixon administration]] implemented a policy known as the [[Tar Baby Option]], pursuant to which the US maintained close relations with the Apartheid South African government.<ref name="Dowdall 2009">{{cite book|last=Dowdall|first=Aaron T.|title=The Birth and Death of a Tar Baby: Henry Kissinger and Southern Africa|date=December 2009|url=https://mospace.umsystem.edu/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10355/10125/research.pdf?sequence=3|access-date=13 August 2012|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160126045231/https://mospace.umsystem.edu/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10355/10125/research.pdf?sequence=3|archive-date=26 January 2016 }}</ref> The [[Presidency of Ronald Reagan|Reagan administration]] evaded international sanctions and provided diplomatic support in international forums for the South African government. The United States also increased trade with the Apartheid regime, while describing the ANC as "a terrorist organisation."<ref>Joseba Zulaika and William Douglass, "Terror and Taboo" (Routledge, 1996), p. 12</ref> Like the Reagan administration, the government of [[Margaret Thatcher]] termed this policy "[[constructive engagement]]" with the apartheid government, vetoing the imposition of UN economic sanctions. U.S. government justification for supporting the Apartheid regime were publicly given as a belief in "[[free trade]]" and the perception of the [[anti-communism|anti-communist]] South African government as a bastion against [[Marxist]] forces in Southern Africa, for example, by the military intervention of South Africa in the [[Angolan Civil War]] in support of right-wing insurgents fighting to topple the government. The U.K. government also declared the ANC a terrorist organisation,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/or/pr/lond88.html |title=Oliver Tambo interviewed by The Times|date=13 June 1988 |publisher=ANC |access-date=25 September 2012 |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20080523184111/http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/or/pr/lond88.html |archive-date = 23 May 2008}}</ref> and in 1987 Thatcher's spokesman, [[Bernard Ingham]], famously said that anyone who believed that the ANC would ever form the government of South Africa was "living in [[cloud cuckoo land]]".<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/Mandela/0,,2-7-1507_1389526,00.html |title=Mandela's triumphant walk |date=18 July 2003 |work=News24 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060924042332/http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/Mandela/0%2C%2C2-7-1507_1389526%2C00.html |archive-date=24 September 2006 }}</ref> The [[American Legislative Exchange Council]] (ALEC), a conservative lobbying organisation, actively campaigned against divesting from South Africa throughout the 1980s.<ref>[http://www.democracynow.org/2013/12/11/alecs_institutional_corruption_from_backing_apartheid ALEC's "Institutional Corruption", From Backing Apartheid to Assault on Clean Energy, Public Sector] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170915052126/http://www.democracynow.org/2013/12/11/alecs_institutional_corruption_from_backing_apartheid |date=15 September 2017 }}. ''[[Democracy Now!]]'' 11 December 2013.</ref> By the late-1980s, with no sign of a political resolution in South Africa, Western patience began to run out. By 1989, a bipartisan [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]]/[[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] initiative in the US favoured [[Disinvestment from South Africa|economic sanctions]] (realised as the ''[[Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act]]'' of 1986), the release of Nelson Mandela and a negotiated settlement involving the ANC. Thatcher too began to take a similar line, but insisted on the suspension of the ANC's armed struggle.<ref>{{cite web|title=Another Kind of War|author=Mark Phillips and [[Colin Coleman]]|publisher=Transformation|year=1989|url=http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/pdfs/transformation/tran009/tran009002.pdf|access-date=25 March 2016|archive-date=18 October 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121018171230/http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/pdfs/transformation/tran009/tran009002.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref> The UK's significant economic involvement in South Africa may have provided some [[Leverage (negotiation)|leverage]] with the South African government, with both the UK and the US applying pressure and pushing for negotiations. However, neither the UK nor the US was willing to apply economic pressure upon their multinational interests in South Africa, such as the mining company [[Anglo American plc|Anglo American]]. Although a high-profile compensation claim against these companies was thrown out of court in 2004,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.minesandcommunities.org/Action/press468.htm |title=Compensation case against South African miners thrown out |publisher=Minesandcommunities.org |access-date=3 January 2011 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080119221322/http://www.minesandcommunities.org/Action/press468.htm |archive-date=19 January 2008 }}</ref> the [[US Supreme Court]] in May 2008 upheld an appeal court ruling allowing another lawsuit that seeks damages of more than US$400 billion from major international companies which are accused of aiding South Africa's apartheid system.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/7396040.stm |title=US court allows apartheid claims |work=BBC News |date=12 May 2008 |access-date=3 January 2011 |archive-date=26 July 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080726231602/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/7396040.stm |url-status=live }}</ref> === Effect of the Cold War === ===="Total Onslaught"==== [[File:SADF Pamphlet1.PNG|thumb|Apartheid-era propaganda leaflet issued to South African military personnel in the 1980s. The pamphlet decries "Russian colonialism and oppression" in English, Afrikaans and Portuguese.]] During the 1950s, South African military strategy was decisively shaped by fears of communist espionage and a conventional [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] threat to the strategic Cape trade route between the [[Atlantic Ocean|south Atlantic]] and [[Indian Ocean]]s.<ref name=Berridge>{{cite book|last=Berridge|first=G.R.|title=South Africa, the Colonial Powers and African Defence: The Rise and Fall of the White Entente, 1948–60|date=1992|pages=1–16, 163–164|publisher=Palgrave Books|location=Basingstoke|isbn=978-0333563519}}</ref> The apartheid government supported the US-led [[North Atlantic Treaty Organization]] (NATO), as well as its policy of regional ''[[containment]]'' against Soviet-backed regimes and insurgencies worldwide.<ref name=Lulat>{{cite book|last=Lulat|first=Y.G.M.|title=United States Relations with South Africa: A Critical Overview from the Colonial Period to the Present|date=1992|pages=143–146|publisher=Peter Lang Publishing, Incorporated|location=New York|isbn=978-0820479071}}</ref> By the late-1960s, the rise of Soviet [[client state]]s on the African continent, as well as Soviet aid for militant anti-apartheid movements, was considered one of the primary external threats to the apartheid system.<ref name=Campbell>{{cite book|last=Campbell|first=Kurt|title=Soviet Policy Towards South Africa|date=1986|pages=129–131|publisher=Palgrave-Macmillan|location=Basingstoke|isbn=978-1349081677}}</ref> South African officials frequently accused domestic opposition groups of being communist proxies.<ref name="Devils">{{cite book|last1=Herbstein|first1=Denis|last2=Evenson|first2=John|title=The Devils Are Among Us: The War for Namibia|date=1989|pages=14–23|publisher=Zed Books Ltd|location=London|isbn=978-0862328962}}</ref> For its part, the Soviet Union viewed South Africa as a bastion of [[neocolonialism]] and a regional Western ally, which helped fuel its support for various anti-apartheid causes.<ref name=Shultz>{{cite book|last=Shultz|first=Richard|title=Soviet Union and Revolutionary Warfare: Principles, Practices, and Regional Comparisons|url=https://archive.org/details/sovietunionrevo00shul/page/121|url-access=registration|date=1988|pages=[https://archive.org/details/sovietunionrevo00shul/page/121 121–123, 140–145]|publisher=Hoover Institution Press|location=Stanford, California|isbn=978-0817987114}}</ref> From 1973 onwards, much of South Africa's white population increasingly looked upon their country as a bastion of the [[free world]] besieged militarily, politically, and culturally by Communism and radical [[black nationalism]].<ref name=Onslaught1>{{cite book|last=Potgieter|first=De Wet|title=Total Onslaught: Apartheid's Dirty Tricks Exposed|date=2007|pages=93–95|publisher=Zebra Press|location=Cape Town|isbn=978-1770073289}}</ref> The apartheid government perceived itself as being locked in a proxy struggle with the [[Warsaw Pact]] and by implication, armed wings of black nationalist forces such as [[Umkhonto we Sizwe]] (MK) and the [[People's Liberation Army of Namibia]] (PLAN), which often received arms and training in Warsaw Pact member states.<ref name=Shultz/> This was described as "Total Onslaught".<ref name=Onslaught1/><ref name=Minter>{{cite book|last=Minter|first=William|title=Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique|date=1994|pages=37–49|publisher=Witwatersrand University Press|location=Johannesburg|isbn=978-1439216187}}</ref> ====Israeli arms sales==== Soviet support for militant anti-apartheid movements worked in the government's favour, as its claim to be reacting in opposition to aggressive communist expansion gained greater plausibility, and helped it justify its own domestic militarisation methods, known as "Total Strategy".<ref name=Onslaught1 /> Total Strategy involved building up a formidable conventional military and counter-intelligence capability.<ref name=Onslaught1 /> It was formulated on counter-revolutionary tactics as espoused by noted French tactician [[André Beaufre]].<ref name=Minter /> Considerable effort was devoted towards circumventing [[International sanctions|international arms sanctions]], and the government even went so far as to develop [[South Africa and weapons of mass destruction|nuclear weapons]],<ref>Von Wielligh, N. & von Wielligh-Steyn, L. (2015). ''The Bomb: South Africa's Nuclear Weapons Programme''. Pretoria: Litera.</ref> allegedly with covert assistance from [[Israel]].<ref>{{cite news |title=Brothers in Arms – Israel's secret pact with Pretoria |url=https://www.theguardian.com/israel/Story/0,,1704037,00.html |work=The Guardian |location=UK |date=7 February 2006 |first=Chris |last=McGreal |access-date=3 April 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080725232738/http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0%2C%2C1704037%2C00.html |archive-date=25 July 2008 |url-status=live}}</ref> In 2010, ''[[The Guardian]]'' released South African government documents that revealed an Israeli offer to sell the apartheid regime nuclear weapons.<ref>{{cite news|title=Revealed: how Israel offered to sell South Africa nuclear weapons|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/may/23/israel-south-africa-nuclear-weapons|work=The Guardian |location=UK |date=24 May 2010|first=Chris|last=McGreal|access-date=24 May 2010|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100525212221/http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/may/23/israel-south-africa-nuclear-weapons|archive-date=25 May 2010 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=The memos and minutes that confirm Israel's nuclear stockpile|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/may/23/israel-south-africa-nuclear-documents|work=The Guardian |location=UK |date=24 May 2010|first=Chris|last=McGreal|access-date=24 May 2010|archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20100525214324/http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/may/23/israel-south-africa-nuclear-documents|archive-date=25 May 2010 |url-status=live}}</ref> Israel denied these allegations and claimed that the documents were minutes from a meeting which did not indicate any concrete offer for a sale of nuclear weapons. [[Shimon Peres]] said that ''The Guardian''{{'}}s article was based on "selective interpretation ... and not on concrete facts."<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/25/world/middleeast/25israel.html |work=The New York Times |title=Israel Denies It Offered South Africa Warheads |first=Isabel |last=Kershner |date=24 May 2010 |access-date=14 February 2017 |archive-date=30 June 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170630105745/http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/25/world/middleeast/25israel.html |url-status=live }}</ref> As a result of "Total Strategy", South African society became increasingly militarised. Many domestic civil organisations were modelled upon military structures, and military virtues such as discipline, patriotism, and loyalty were highly regarded.<ref name="War">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zEQ-Km_KShAC&q=Coventry+Four&pg=PA238|title=War and Society: The Militarisation of South Africa|author=Jacklyn Cock, Laurie Nathan|year=1989|publisher=New Africa Books|isbn=978-0-86486-115-3|pages=36–37, 283–289|access-date=8 November 2020|archive-date=9 July 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210709201235/https://books.google.com/books?id=zEQ-Km_KShAC&q=Coventry+Four&pg=PA238|url-status=live}}</ref> In 1968, national service for White South African men lasted nine months at minimum, and they could be called up for reserve duty into their late-middle age if necessary.<ref name=Reflections>{{cite book|last1=Potgieter|first1=Thean|last2=Liebenberg|first2=Ian|title=Reflections on War: Preparedness and Consequences|year=2012|pages=70–81|publisher=Sun Media Press|location=Stellenbosch|isbn=978-1-920338-85-5}}</ref> The length of national service was gradually extended to 12 months in 1972 and 24 months in 1978.<ref name="Reflections" /> At state schools, white male students were organised into paramilitary formations and drilled as cadets or as participants in a civil defence or "Youth Preparedness" curriculum.<ref name="War" /> Compulsory military education and in some cases, paramilitary training was introduced for all older white male students at state schools in three South African provinces.<ref name="War" /> These programmes presided over the construction of bomb shelters at schools and drills aimed at simulating mock insurgent raids.<ref name="War" /> From the late 1970s to the late 1980s, [[Military budget|defence budgets]] in South Africa were raised exponentially.<ref name=Minter /> In 1975, [[Ministry of Defense (Israel)|Israeli defence minister]] [[Shimon Peres]] signed a security pact with South African defence minister [[P.W. Botha]] that led to $200 million in arms deals. In 1988, Israeli arm sales to South Africa totalled over $1.4 billion.<ref>{{cite journal|url=https://www.thenation.com/article/banquos-ghost-israeli-foreign-policy/|title=The Banquo's Ghost of Israeli Foreign Policy|journal=[[The Nation]]|date=14 May 2010|last1=Blumenthal|first1=Max|access-date=13 December 2018|archive-date=11 August 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190811024245/https://www.thenation.com/article/banquos-ghost-israeli-foreign-policy/|url-status=live}}</ref> Covert operations focused on espionage and domestic counter-subversion became common, the number of [[special forces]] units swelled, and the [[South African Defence Force]] (SADF) had amassed enough sophisticated conventional weaponry to pose a serious threat to the "[[front-line states]]", a regional alliance of neighbouring countries opposed to apartheid.<ref name=Minter /> ==== Foreign military operations ==== {{see also|South African Border War|Raid on Gaborone|Operation Skerwe|Operation Beanbag}} [[File:SADF-Operations 4.jpg|thumb|right|South African paratroops on a raid in Angola, 1980s]] Total Strategy was advanced in the context of MK, PLAN, and [[Azanian People's Liberation Army]] (APLA) guerrilla raids into South Africa or against South African targets in South West Africa; frequent South African reprisal attacks on these movements' external bases in [[Angola]], [[Zambia]], [[Mozambique]], [[Zimbabwe]], and [[Botswana]], often involving [[collateral damage]] to foreign infrastructure and civilian populations; and periodic complaints brought before the international community about South African violations of its neighbours' sovereignty.<ref name=Wilkenfeld>{{cite book|last1=Brecher|first1=Michael|last2=Wilkenfeld|first2=Jonathan|title=A Study of Crisis|year=1997|pages=[https://archive.org/details/studyofcrisis0000brec/page/79 79–82, 477]|publisher=University of Michigan Press|location=Ann Arbor|isbn=978-0472087075|url=https://archive.org/details/studyofcrisis0000brec/page/79}}</ref> The apartheid government made judicious use of [[extraterritorial operation]]s to eliminate its military and political opponents, arguing that neighbouring states, including their civilian populations, which hosted, tolerated on their soil, or otherwise sheltered anti-apartheid insurgent groups could not evade responsibility for provoking retaliatory strikes.<ref name=Wilkenfeld/> While it did focus on militarising the borders and sealing up its domestic territory against insurgent raids, it also relied heavily on an aggressive [[Preemptive war|preemptive]] and [[Counterattack|counter-strike]] strategy, which fulfilled a preventive and deterrent purpose.<ref name=SACP>{{cite book|last1=Sechaba|first1=Tsepo|last2=Ellis|first2=Stephen|title=Comrades Against Apartheid: The ANC & the South African Communist Party in Exile|year=1992|pages=184–187|publisher=Indiana University Press|location=Bloomington|isbn= 978-0253210623}}</ref> The reprisals which occurred beyond South Africa's borders involved not only hostile states, but neutral and sympathetic governments as well, often forcing them to react against their will and interests.<ref name="James">{{cite book|title=A Political History of the Civil War in Angola: 1974–1990|last=James III|first=W. Martin|location=New Brunswick|publisher=Transaction Publishers|year=2011|orig-year=1992|isbn=978-1-4128-1506-2|pages=207–214, 239–245}}</ref> External South African military operations were aimed at eliminating the training facilities, [[Safe house|safehouses]], infrastructure, equipment, and manpower of the insurgents.<ref name=SACP/> However, their secondary objective was to dissuade neighbouring states from offering sanctuary to MK, PLAN, APLA, and similar organisations.<ref name=SACP/> This was accomplished by deterring the supportive foreign population from cooperating with infiltration and thus undermining the insurgents' external sanctuary areas.<ref name="Zambian">{{cite book|title=Rethinking African Politics: A History of Opposition in Zambia|last=Larmer|first=Miles|year=2011|location=Surrey|publisher=Ashgate Publishing Ltd|isbn=978-1409482499|pages=209–217}}</ref> It would also send a clear message to the host government that collaborating with insurgent forces involved potentially high costs.<ref name="Zambian"/> The scale and intensity of foreign operations varied, and ranged from small special forces units carrying out raids on locations across the border which served as bases for insurgent infiltration to major conventional offensives involving armour, artillery, and aircraft.<ref name=SACP/> Actions such as [[Operation Protea]] in 1981 and [[Operation Askari]] in 1983 involved both full scale [[conventional warfare]] and a [[counter-insurgency]] reprisal operation.<ref name="Blank">{{cite book|title=Responding to Low-Intensity Conflict Challenges|last=Blank|first=Stephen|location=Montgomery |publisher=Air University Press|year=1991|isbn=978-0160293320|pages=223–239}}</ref><ref name=Insurgencies>{{cite book|last=Radu|first=Michael|title=The New Insurgencies: Anti-Communist Guerrillas in the Third World|year=1990|pages=131–141|publisher=Routledge Books|location=Abingdon-on-Thames|isbn=978-0887383076}}</ref> The insurgent bases were usually situated near military installations of the host government, so that SADF retaliatory strikes hit those facilities as well and attracted international attention and condemnation of what was perceived as aggression against the armed forces of another sovereign state.<ref name=Dale>{{cite book|last=Dale|first=Richard|title=The Namibian War of Independence, 1966–1989: Diplomatic, Economic and Military Campaigns|year=2014|pages=74–77, 93–95|publisher=McFarland & Company, Incorporated Publishers|location=Jefferson|isbn=978-0786496594}}</ref> This would inevitably result in major engagements, in which the SADF's [[Expeditionary warfare|expeditionary units]] would have to contend with the firepower of the host government's forces.<ref name=Dale/> Intensive conventional warfare of this nature carried the risk of severe casualties among white soldiers, which had to be kept to a minimum for political reasons.<ref name=SACP/> There were also high economic and diplomatic costs associated with openly deploying large numbers of South African troops into another country.<ref name=SACP/> Furthermore, military involvement on that scale had the potential to evolve into wider conflict situations, in which South Africa became entangled.<ref name=SACP/> For example, South Africa's activities in Angola, initially limited to containing PLAN, later escalated to direct involvement in the [[Angolan Civil War]].<ref name=SACP/> As it became clearer that full-scale conventional operations could not effectively fulfil the requirements of a regional counter-insurgency effort, South Africa turned to a number of alternative methods. Retributive artillery bombardments were the least sophisticated means of reprisal against insurgent attacks. Between 1978 and 1979 the SADF directed artillery fire against locations in Angola and Zambia from which insurgent rockets were suspected to have been launched.<ref name=Democracy>{{cite book|last=Ndlovu|first=Sifiso Mxolisi|title=The Road to Democracy in South Africa: 1970–1980|year=2006|pages=659–661|publisher=University of South Africa Press|location=Pretoria|isbn=978-1868884063}}</ref><ref name="Borderstrike">{{cite book | first = Willem | last = Steenkamp| title = Borderstrike! South Africa Into Angola 1975–1980 |edition= 2006 |pages= 132–226 | publisher = Just Done Productions| isbn= 978-1-920169-00-8| year = 2006}}</ref> This precipitated several artillery duels with the Zambian Army.<ref name="Borderstrike"/> Special forces raids were launched to harass PLAN and MK by liquidating prominent members of those movements, destroying their offices and safehouses, and seizing valuable records stored at these sites.<ref name=Botswana>{{cite book|last=Dale|first=Richard|title=Botswana's Search for Autonomy in Southern Africa|date=1995|pages=55–59|publisher=Praeger|location=Westport, Connecticut|isbn=978-0313295713}}</ref> One example was the [[Raid on Gaborone|Gaborone Raid]], carried out in 1985, during which a South African special forces team crossed the border into Botswana and demolished four suspected MK safe houses, severely damaging another four.<ref name=Botswana/> Other types of special forces operations included the sabotage of economic infrastructure.<ref name=Emerson1>{{cite book|title=The Battle for Mozambique|last=Emerson|first=Stephen|location=Solihull|publisher=Helio & Co. Ltd|year=2014|isbn=978-1909384927|pages=110–111}}</ref> The SADF sabotaged infrastructure being used for the insurgents' war effort; for example, port facilities in southern Angola's [[Namibe Province|Moçâmedes District]], where Soviet arms were frequently offloaded for PLAN, as well as the railway line which facilitated their transport to PLAN headquarters in [[Lubango]], were common targets.<ref name=Fist>{{cite book|last1=Steyn|first1=Douw|last2=Söderlund|first2=Arné|title=Iron Fist From The Sea: South Africa's Seaborne Raiders 1978–1988|year=2015|pages=203–205, 304–305|publisher=Helion & Company, Publishers|location=Solihull|isbn=978-1909982284}}</ref> Sabotage was also used as a pressure tactic when South Africa was negotiating with a host government to cease providing sanctuary to insurgent forces, as in the case of [[Operation Argon]].<ref name="NYT4">{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1985/06/01/world/pretoria-cools-to-us-backed-talks.html|title=Pretoria cools to US-backed talks|work=The New York Times|date=1 June 1985|access-date=7 August 2017|archive-date=22 November 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171122052758/http://www.nytimes.com/1985/06/01/world/pretoria-cools-to-us-backed-talks.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Successful sabotage actions of high-profile economic targets undermined a country's ability to negotiate from a position of strength, and made it likelier to accede to South African demands rather than risk the expense of further destruction and war.<ref name="NYT4"/> Also noteworthy were South African transnational espionage efforts, which included covert assassinations, kidnappings, and attempts to disrupt the overseas influence of anti-apartheid organisations. South African military intelligence agents were known to have abducted and killed anti-apartheid activists and others suspected of having ties to MK in [[London]] and [[Brussels]].<ref>Purkitt, Helen E.; Burgess, Stephen Franklin (2005). ''South Africa's weapons of mass destruction.'' Indiana University Press. p. 152.</ref><ref>Watson, Wendy (2007). ''Brick by brick: an informal guide to the history of South Africa.'' New Africa Books.</ref> == State security == [[File:8 SAI COIN operations northern KZN 1993.jpg|thumb|[[8 South African Infantry Battalion]] operatives in northern KwaZulu-Natal, 1993]] During the 1980s the government, led by [[P.W. Botha]], became increasingly preoccupied with security. It set up a powerful [[State Security Council|state security apparatus]] to "protect" the state against an anticipated upsurge in [[political violence]] that the reforms were expected to trigger. The 1980s became a period of considerable political unrest, with the government becoming increasingly dominated by Botha's circle of generals and police chiefs (known as [[Counterintelligence state|securocrats]]), who managed the various States of Emergencies.<ref>Fox, William; Fourie, Marius; Van Wyk, Belinda (1998). ''Police Management in South Africa.'' Juta and Company Limited. p. 167.</ref> Botha's years in power were marked also by numerous military interventions in the states bordering South Africa, as well as an extensive military and political campaign to eliminate [[SWAPO]] in Namibia. Within South Africa, meanwhile, vigorous police action and strict enforcement of security legislation resulted in hundreds of arrests and bans, and an effective end to the African National Congress' sabotage campaign. The government punished political offenders brutally. 40,000 people annually were subjected to [[Flagellation|whipping]] as a form of punishment.<ref>Anzovin, Steven (1987). ''South Africa: apartheid and divestiture.'' H.W. Wilson Co. p. 80. {{ISBN|978-0-8242-0749-6}}.</ref> The vast majority had committed political offences and were lashed ten times for their crime.<ref>Foster, Don; Davis, Dennis (1987). ''Detention & torture in South Africa: psychological, legal & historical studies.'' Currey. p. 18. {{ISBN|978-0-85255-317-6}}.</ref> If convicted of treason, a person could be hanged, and the government executed numerous political offenders in this way.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/political-executions-south-africa-apartheid-government-1961-1989|title=Political executions in South Africa by the apartheid government 1961–1989|publisher=South African History Online|access-date=10 May 2017|archive-date=2 May 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170502020338/http://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/political-executions-south-africa-apartheid-government-1961-1989|url-status=live}}</ref> As the 1980s progressed, more and more anti-apartheid organisations were formed and affiliated with the UDF. Led by the [[Reverend]] [[Allan Boesak]] and [[Albertina Sisulu]], the UDF called for the government to abandon its reforms and instead abolish the apartheid system and eliminate the homelands completely. === State of emergency === Serious political violence was a prominent feature from 1985 to 1989, as Black townships became the focus of the struggle between anti-apartheid organisations and the Botha government. Throughout the 1980s, township people resisted apartheid by acting against the local issues that faced their particular communities. The focus of much of this resistance was against the local authorities and their leaders, who were seen to be supporting the government. By 1985, it had become the ANC's aim to make Black townships "ungovernable" (a term later replaced by "people's power") by means of rent boycotts and other militant action. Numerous township councils were overthrown or collapsed, to be replaced by unofficial popular organisations, often led by militant youth. People's courts were set up, and residents accused of being government agents were dealt extreme and occasionally lethal punishments. Black town councillors and policemen, and sometimes their families, were attacked with petrol bombs, beaten, and murdered by [[necklacing]], where a burning tyre was placed around the victim's neck, after they were restrained by wrapping their wrists with barbed wire. On 20 July 1985, Botha declared a [[State of Emergency]] in 36 magisterial districts. Areas affected were the [[Eastern Cape]], and the [[Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Vereeniging|PWV]] region ("[[Pretoria]], [[Witwatersrand]], [[Vereeniging]]").<ref>Pomeroy, William J. (1986). ''Apartheid, imperialism, and African freedom.'' International Publishers. p. 226. {{ISBN|978-0-7178-0640-9}}.</ref> Three months later, the [[Western Cape]] was included. An increasing number of organisations were banned or listed (restricted in some way); many individuals had restrictions such as house arrest imposed on them. During this state of emergency, about 2,436 people were detained under the [[Internal Security Act, 1982|Internal Security Act]].<ref>Legum, Colin (1989). ''Africa contemporary record: annual survey and documents, Volume 20.'' Africana Pub. Co. p. 668.</ref> This act gave police and the military sweeping powers. The government could implement curfews controlling the movement of people. The president could [[rule by decree]] without referring to the constitution or to parliament. It became a criminal offence to threaten someone verbally or possess documents that the government perceived to be threatening, to advise anyone to stay away from work or to oppose the government, and to disclose the name of anyone arrested under the State of Emergency until the government released that name, with up to ten years' imprisonment for these offences. [[Indefinite detention|Detention without trial]] became a common feature of the government's reaction to growing civil unrest and by 1988, 30,000 people had been detained.<ref>McKendrick, Brian; Hoffmann, Wilman (1990). ''People and violence in South Africa.'' Oxford University Press. p. 62.</ref> The media was [[Censorship|censored]], thousands were arrested and many were [[Interrogation|interrogated]] and [[torture]]d.<ref>Blond, Rebecca; Fitzpatrick, Mary (2004). ''South Africa, Lesotho & Swaziland.'' Lonely Planet. p. 40.</ref> On 12 June 1986, four days before the tenth anniversary of the Soweto uprising, the state of emergency was extended to cover the whole country. The government amended the Public Security Act, including the right to declare "unrest" areas, allowing extraordinary measures to crush protests in these areas. Severe censorship of the press became a dominant tactic in the government's strategy and [[Professional video camera|television cameras]] were banned from entering such areas. The [[State media|state broadcaster]], the [[South African Broadcasting Corporation]] (SABC), provided propaganda in support of the government. Media opposition to the system increased, supported by the growth of a pro-ANC [[underground press]] within South Africa. In 1987, the State of Emergency was extended for another two years. Meanwhile, about 200,000 members of the [[National Union of Mineworkers (South Africa)|National Union of Mineworkers]] commenced the longest strike (three weeks) in South African history. The year 1988 saw the banning of the activities of the UDF and other anti-apartheid organisations. Much of the violence in the late-1980s and early-1990s was directed at the government, but a substantial amount was between the residents themselves. Many died in violence between members of [[Inkatha Freedom Party|Inkatha]] and the UDF-ANC faction. It was later proven that the government manipulated the situation by supporting one side or the other whenever it suited them. Government agents assassinated opponents within South Africa and abroad; they undertook cross-border army and air-force attacks on suspected ANC and PAC bases. The ANC and the PAC in return detonated bombs at restaurants, shopping centres and government buildings such as [[Magistrates' court|magistrates courts]]. Between 1960 and 1994, according to statistics from the [[Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Africa)|Truth and Reconciliation Commission]], the [[Inkatha Freedom Party]] was responsible for 4,500 deaths, South African security forces were responsible for 2,700 deaths and the ANC was responsible for 1,300 deaths.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.justice.gov.za/trc/report/finalreport/Volume5.pdf |title=Volume Five – Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report |access-date=15 December 2013 |archive-date=19 January 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170119114845/http://www.justice.gov.za/trc/report/finalreport/Volume5.pdf |url-status=dead }}</ref> The state of emergency continued until 1990 when it was lifted by State President [[F. W. de Klerk]]. == Final years of apartheid == {{Main|Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa}} === Factors === ==== Institutional racism ==== Apartheid developed from the racism of colonial factions and due to South Africa's "unique industrialisation".<ref name="NigelWorden">Nigel, Worden, The making of modern South Africa: Conquest, Segregation and Apartheid, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2000) p. 3.</ref> The policies of [[industrialisation]] led to the segregation and classing of people, which was "specifically developed to nurture early industry such as [[mining]]".<ref name="NigelWorden" /> Cheap labour was the basis of the economy and this was taken from what the state classed as peasant groups and the migrants.<ref>Philip Boner, Peter, Delius, Deborah, Posel, "The Shaping of Apartheid, contradiction, continuity and popular struggle", The Worlds Knowledge, (1993) pp. 1–47 (p. 6.)</ref> Furthermore, [[Philip Bonner]] highlights the "contradictory economic effects" as the economy did not have a manufacturing sector, therefore promoting short term profitability but limiting labour productivity and the size of local markets. This also led to its collapse as "Clarkes emphasises the economy could not provide and compete with foreign rivals as they failed to master cheap labour and complex chemistry".<ref>Philip Boner, Peter, Delius, Deborah, Posel, "The Shaping of Apartheid, contradiction, continuity and popular struggle", The Worlds Knowledge, (1993) pp. 1–47 (p. 7.)</ref> ==== Economic contradictions ==== The contradictions{{clarify|date=June 2017}} in the traditionally capitalist economy of the apartheid state led to considerable debate about racial policy, and division and conflicts in the central state.<ref name="PaulMaylam">Paul, Maylam, "The Rise and Decline of Urban Apartheid in South Africa", African Affairs, 89.354(1990) pp. 57–84 (p. 54.)</ref> To a large extent, the political ideology of apartheid had emerged from the colonisation of Africa by European powers which institutionalised racial discrimination and exercised a paternal philosophy of "civilising inferior natives."<ref name="PaulMaylam" /> Some scholars have argued that this can be reflected in [[Afrikaner Calvinism]], with its parallel traditions of racialism;<ref name="SaulDubow">[[Saul Dubow|Dubow, Saul]], "Afrikaner Nationalism, Apartheid and the conceptualisation of 'Race{{'"}}, The Journal of African History, 33 (1992) pp. 209–237 (pp. 209, 211)</ref> for example, as early as 1933; the executive council of the Broederbond formulated a recommendation for mass segregation.<ref name="SaulDubow" /> ==== Western influence ==== [[File:South Africa House anti apartheid London 1989.jpg|thumb|Anti-apartheid protest at [[South Africa House]] in London, 1989]] External Western influence, arising from European experiences in colonisation, may be seen as a factor which greatly influenced political attitudes and ideology. Late twentieth-century South Africa was cited as an "unreconstructed example of western civilisation twisted by racism".<ref>L.H, Gann, "Apartheids Genesis 1935–1962", Business Library, (1994) pp. 1–6. (p. 1.)</ref> In the 1960s, South Africa experienced [[economic growth]] second only to that of [[Japan]].<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Legasick | first1 = Martin | year = 1974 | title = Legislation, Ideology and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa | journal = Journal of Southern African Studies | volume = 1 | issue = 1| pages = 5–35 | doi = 10.1080/03057077408707921 }}</ref> Trade with Western countries grew, and investment from the United States, France, and the United Kingdom poured in. In 1974, resistance to apartheid was encouraged by [[Portuguese Colonial War|Portuguese withdrawal]] from [[Mozambique]] and [[Angola]], after the 1974 [[Carnation Revolution]]. South African troops withdrew from Angola early in 1976, failing to prevent the [[MPLA]] from gaining power there, and Black students in South Africa celebrated. The [[Mahlabatini Declaration of Faith]], signed by [[Mangosuthu Buthelezi]] and [[Harry Schwarz]] in 1974, enshrined the principles of [[peaceful transition of power]] and equality for all. Its purpose was to provide a blueprint for South Africa by consent and racial peace in a multi-racial society, stressing opportunity for all, consultation, the federal concept, and a [[Bill of rights|Bill of Rights]]. It caused a split in the [[United Party (South Africa)|United Party]] that ultimately realigned oppositional politics in South Africa with the formation of the [[Progressive Federal Party]] in 1977. The Declaration was the first of several such joint agreements by acknowledged Black and White political leaders in South Africa. In 1978, the National Party Defence Minister, [[Pieter Willem Botha]], became Prime Minister. His white minority regime worried about Soviet aid to revolutionaries in South Africa at the same time that South African economic growth had slowed. The South African Government noted that it was spending too much money to maintain segregated homelands created for Blacks, and the homelands were proving to be uneconomical.<ref name=":0" /> Nor was maintaining Blacks as third-class citizens working well. Black labour remained vital to the economy, and illegal Black labour unions were flourishing. Many Blacks remained too poor to contribute significantly to the economy through their purchasing power{{snds}}although they composed more than 70% of the population. Botha's regime feared that an antidote was needed to prevent the Blacks being attracted to communism.<ref>{{cite journal|title = Democratization in South Africa|last = Giliomee|first = Hermann|date = 1995|journal = Political Science Quarterly|volume = 110|issue = 1|pages = 83–104|doi = 10.2307/2152052|jstor = 2152052}}</ref> In July 1979, the Nigerian Government alleged that the Shell-BP Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited (SPDC) was selling Nigerian oil to South Africa, though there was little evidence or commercial logic for such sales.<ref>{{cite book|last=Weymouth Genova|first=Ann|title=Oil and Nationalism in Nigeria, 1970–1980|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5T3NVGzBmkUC&pg=PA123|access-date=11 April 2012|year=2007|isbn=978-0-549-26666-2|page=123|archive-date=30 May 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130530041221/http://books.google.com/books?id=5T3NVGzBmkUC&pg=PA123|url-status=live}} Weymouth Genova covers the possibility of Nigerian oil going to South Africa in detail from page 113. Heavily laden tankers have to respect the ocean currents which means they travel clockwise around Africa; oil for South Africa would likely come from the Middle East rather than West Africa. Nigeria had been taking over other oil marketing companies to reduce price differentials across the country; they needed to fill a budget shortfall due to low oil prices and had a history of disputes with BP and the UK Government, so BP assets were seized when Shell's stake in SPDC was not.</ref> The alleged sanctions-breaking was used to justify the seizure of some of BP's assets in Nigeria including their stake in SPDC, although it appears the real reasons were economic nationalism and domestic politics ahead of the Nigerian elections.<ref>{{cite book|last=Weymouth Genova|first=Ann|title=Oil and Nationalism in Nigeria, 1970–1980|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5T3NVGzBmkUC&pg=PA171|access-date=11 April 2012|year=2007|isbn=978-0-549-26666-2|page=171|archive-date=13 June 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130613193201/http://books.google.com/books?id=5T3NVGzBmkUC&pg=PA171|url-status=live}}</ref> Many South Africans attended schools in Nigeria,<ref>{{cite book|last=Adesanmi|first=Pius|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pQRE3H2F6JUC&q=during+apartheid+many+south+africans+attended+school+in+nigeria&pg=PT53|title=You're Not a Country, Africa|date=2012 |publisher=Penguin Random House South Africa|isbn=978-0-14-352865-4|language=en|access-date=8 November 2020|archive-date=6 February 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220206070301/https://books.google.com/books?id=pQRE3H2F6JUC&q=during+apartheid+many+south+africans+attended+school+in+nigeria&pg=PT53|url-status=live}}</ref> and Nelson Mandela acknowledged the role of Nigeria in the struggle against apartheid on several occasions.<ref>{{cite web|title=South African envoy: Mandela begged Nigeria for money to fight apartheid|url=https://www.thecable.ng/%e2%80%8b-south-african-envoy-mandela-came-nigeria-beg-money|date=31 July 2016|website=TheCable|language=en-US|access-date=27 May 2020|archive-date=26 July 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200726072900/https://www.thecable.ng/%e2%80%8b-south-african-envoy-mandela-came-nigeria-beg-money|url-status=live}}</ref> In the 1980s, anti-apartheid movements in the United States and Europe were gaining support for boycotts against South Africa, for the withdrawal of US companies from South Africa, and for release of imprisoned Nelson Mandela. South Africa was sinking to the bottom of the international community. Investment in South Africa was ending and an active policy of [[Disinvestment from South Africa|disinvestment]] had begun.{{citation needed|date=November 2023}} === Tricameral parliament === {{Main|Tricameral Parliament}} In the early-1980s, Botha's National Party government started to recognise the inevitability of the need to reform the apartheid system.<ref>Knox, Colin; Quirk, Pádraic (2000). ''Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland, Israel and South Africa: transition, transformation and reconciliation.'' Palgrave Macmillan. p. 151.</ref> Early reforms were driven by a combination of internal violence, international condemnation, changes within the National Party's constituency, and changing demographics{{snds}}whites constituted only 16% of the total population, in comparison to 20% fifty years earlier.<ref>Beinart, William (2001). ''Twentieth-century South Africa''. Oxford University Press. p. 202. {{ISBN|978-0-19-289318-5}}.</ref> In 1983, a new constitution was passed implementing what was called the Tricameral Parliament, giving Coloureds and Indians voting rights and parliamentary representation in separate houses{{snds}}the House of Assembly (178 members) for Whites, the House of Representatives (85 members) for Coloureds and the House of Delegates (45 members) for Indians.<ref>Taylor & Francis Group (2004). ''Europa World Year Book 2, Book 2.'' Taylor & Francis. p. 3841.</ref> Each House handled laws pertaining to its racial group's "own affairs", including health, education and other community issues.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1993/12/23/s-africa-approves-charter/8af5f9d9-8e1b-49f2-bc61-5978df4a1be9/ |last=Taylor |first=Paul |date=23 December 1993 |title=S. Africa Approves Charter; White-Led Parliament Votes for Constitution Canceling Its Powers. |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]] |access-date=9 February 2021 |archive-date=4 November 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211104213139/https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1993/12/23/s-africa-approves-charter/8af5f9d9-8e1b-49f2-bc61-5978df4a1be9/ |url-status=live }}</ref> All laws relating to "general affairs" (matters such as defence, industry, taxation and Black affairs) were handled by a Cabinet made up of representatives from all three houses. However, the White chamber had a large majority on this Cabinet, ensuring that effective control of the country remained in the hands of the White minority.<ref>Wople, Harold (1990). ''Race, class & the apartheid state.'' Africa World Press. p. 93. {{ISBN|978-0-86543-142-3}}.</ref><ref>Marais, D. (1989). ''South Africa: constitutional development, a multi-disciplinary approach.'' Southern Book Publishers. p. 258. {{ISBN|978-1-86812-159-5}}.</ref> Blacks, although making up the majority of the population, were excluded from representation; they remained nominal citizens of their homelands.<ref>Lötter, Hennie P. P. (1997). ''Injustice, violence and peace: the case of South Africa.'' Rodopi. p. 49. {{ISBN|978-90-420-0264-7}}.</ref> The first Tricameral elections were largely boycotted by Coloured and Indian voters, amid widespread rioting.<ref>"Cops fight crowds at S. Africa elections." ''[[Philadelphia Daily News]].'' 28 August 1984.</ref> === Reforms and contact with the ANC under Botha === Concerned over the popularity of Mandela, Botha denounced him as an arch-[[Marxism|Marxist]] committed to violent revolution, but to appease Black opinion and nurture Mandela as a benevolent leader of Blacks,<ref name=":0">{{cite book|last=Akansake|first=Albin|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CBLPr9RxjCoC&q=Concerned+over+the+popularity+of+Mandela,+Botha+denounced+him+as+an+arch-Marxist+committed+to+violent+revolution&pg=PA35|title=Who Is the First-Class Ghanaian?: A Story of Tribalism, Religion, and Sectionalism in Ghana and the Way Forward|date=18 April 2013|publisher=iUniverse|isbn=978-1-4759-8538-2|language=en|access-date=8 November 2020|archive-date=6 February 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220206070318/https://books.google.com/books?id=CBLPr9RxjCoC&q=Concerned+over+the+popularity+of+Mandela%2C+Botha+denounced+him+as+an+arch-Marxist+committed+to+violent+revolution&pg=PA35|url-status=live}}</ref> the government transferred him from the maximum security [[Robben Island]] to the lower security [[Pollsmoor Prison]] just outside [[Cape Town]]; where prison life was more comfortable for him. The government allowed Mandela more visitors, including visits and interviews by foreigners, to let the world know that he was being treated well.<ref name=":0" /> Black homelands were declared [[nation-state]]s and [[pass laws]] were abolished. Black labour unions were legitimised, the government recognised the right of Blacks to live in urban areas permanently and gave Blacks [[property rights]] there. Interest was expressed in rescinding the law against interracial marriage and also rescinding the law against sexual relations between different races, which was under ridicule abroad. The spending for Black schools increased, to one-seventh of what was spent per white child, up from on one-sixteenth in 1968. At the same time, attention was given to strengthening the effectiveness of the police apparatus. In January 1985, Botha addressed the government's House of Assembly and stated that the government was willing to release Mandela on condition that Mandela pledge opposition to acts of violence to further political objectives. Mandela's reply was read in public by his daughter Zinzi{{snds}}his first words distributed publicly since his sentence to prison 21 years earlier. Mandela described violence as the responsibility of the apartheid regime and said that with democracy there would be no need for violence. The crowd listening to the reading of his speech erupted in cheers and chants. This response helped to further elevate Mandela's status in the eyes of those, both internationally and domestically, who opposed apartheid. Between 1986 and 1988, some petty apartheid laws were repealed, along with the pass laws.<ref name="saHistoryPassLaws">{{cite news|url=https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/pass-laws-south-africa-1800-1994|title=Pass laws in South Africa 1800–1994|last=sahoboss|date=21 March 2011|work=South African History Online|access-date=4 June 2018|language=en|archive-date=14 June 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180614104339/http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/pass-laws-south-africa-1800-1994|url-status=live}}</ref> Botha told [[White South Africans]] to "adapt or die"<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20080408085819/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,916936,00.html South Africa: Adapt or Die]. ''Time''.</ref> and twice he wavered on the eve of what were billed as "[[Point of no return|rubicon]]" announcements of substantial reforms, although on both occasions he backed away from substantial changes. Ironically, these reforms served only to trigger intensified political violence through the remainder of the 1980s as more communities and political groups across the country joined the resistance movement. Botha's government stopped short of substantial reforms, such as lifting the ban on the ANC, PAC and SACP and other liberation organisations, releasing political prisoners, or repealing the foundation laws of grand apartheid. The government's stance was that they would not contemplate negotiating until those organisations "renounced violence". By 1987, South Africa's economy was growing at one of the lowest rates in the world, and the ban on South African participation in international sporting events was frustrating many whites in South Africa. Examples of African states with Black leaders and White minorities existed in [[Kenya]] and [[Zimbabwe]]. Whispers of South Africa one day having a Black President sent more hardline whites into supporting right-wing political parties. Mandela was moved to a four-bedroom house of his own, with a swimming pool and shaded by fir trees, on a prison farm just outside of Cape Town. He had an unpublicised meeting with Botha. Botha impressed Mandela by walking forward, extending his hand and pouring Mandela's tea. The two had a friendly discussion, with Mandela comparing the African National Congress' rebellion with that of the [[Afrikaner rebellion]] and talking about everyone being brothers. A number of clandestine meetings were held between the ANC-in-exile and various sectors of the internal struggle, such as women and educationalists. More overtly, a group of White intellectuals met the ANC in [[Senegal]] for talks known as the [[Dakar Conference]].<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Lieberfeld | first1 = Daniel | s2cid = 22512618 | year = 2002 | title = Evaluating the Contributions of Track-two Diplomacy to Conflict Termination in South Africa, 1984–90 | journal = Journal of Peace Research | volume = 39 | issue = 3| pages = 355–372 | doi = 10.1177/0022343302039003006 }}</ref> === Presidency of F. W. de Klerk === [[File:Frederik de Klerk with Nelson Mandela - World Economic Forum Annual Meeting Davos 1992.jpg|thumb|de Klerk and Mandela in [[Davos]], 1992]] Early in 1989, Botha had a [[stroke]]; he was prevailed upon to resign in February 1989.<ref>Roherty, James Michael (1992). ''State security in South Africa: civil-military relations under P.W. Botha.'' M.E. Sharpe. p. 23. {{ISBN|978-0-87332-877-7}}.</ref> He was succeeded as president later that year by [[Frederik Willem de Klerk|F. W. de Klerk]]. Despite his initial reputation as a conservative, de Klerk moved decisively towards negotiations to end the political stalemate in the country. Prior to his term in office, F. W. de Klerk had already experienced political success as a result of the power base he had built in the Transvaal. During this time, F. W. de Klerk served as chairman to the provincial National Party, which was in favour of the Apartheid regime. The transition of de Klerk's ideology regarding apartheid is seen clearly in his opening address to parliament on 2 February 1990. F. W. de Klerk announced that he would repeal discriminatory laws and lift the 30-year ban on leading anti-apartheid groups such as the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress, the [[South African Communist Party]] (SACP) and the [[United Democratic Front (South Africa)|United Democratic Front]]. The Land Act was brought to an end. F. W. de Klerk also made his first public commitment to release Nelson Mandela, to return to [[press freedom]] and to suspend the death penalty. Media restrictions were lifted and political prisoners not guilty of [[common law]] crimes were released. On 11 February 1990, Nelson Mandela was released from [[Victor Verster Prison]] after more than 27 years behind bars.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/11/newsid_2539000/2539947.stm |title=1990: Freedom for Nelson Mandela |date=11 February 1990 |publisher=BBC |access-date=16 September 2023 |archive-date=23 October 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121023134531/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/11/newsid_2539000/2539947.stm |url-status=live }}</ref> Having been instructed by the [[UN Security Council]] to end its long-standing involvement in South West Africa/[[Namibia]], and in the face of military stalemate in Southern Angola, and an escalation in the size and cost of the combat with the Cubans, the Angolans, and SWAPO forces and the growing cost of the border war, South Africa negotiated a change of control; [[Namibia]] became independent on 21 March 1990.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.klausdierks.com/Chronology/132.htm |title=Chronology of Namibian Independence |access-date=16 September 2023 |archive-date=23 May 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200523021428/http://www.klausdierks.com/Chronology/132.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> === Negotiations === {{Main|Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa}} Apartheid was dismantled in a series of negotiations from 1990 to 1991, culminating in a transitional period which resulted in the country's 1994 general election, the first in South Africa held with [[universal suffrage]]. In 1990, negotiations were earnestly begun, with two meetings between the government and the ANC. The purpose of the negotiations was to pave the way for talks towards a peaceful transition towards majority rule. These meetings were successful in laying down the preconditions for negotiations, despite the considerable tensions still abounding within the country. Apartheid legislation was abolished in 1991.<ref name="Abolished"/> At the first meeting, the NP and ANC discussed the conditions for negotiations to begin. The meeting was held at [[Groote Schuur]], the President's official residence. They released the Groote Schuur Minute, which said that before negotiations commenced political prisoners would be freed and all exiles allowed to return. There were fears that the change of power would be violent. To avoid this, it was essential that a peaceful resolution between all parties be reached. In December 1991, the [[Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa|Convention for a Democratic South Africa]] (CODESA) began negotiations on the formation of a multiracial [[Provisional government|transitional government]] and a new constitution extending political rights to all groups. CODESA adopted a Declaration of Intent and committed itself to an "undivided South Africa". Reforms and negotiations to end apartheid led to a backlash among the [[Right-wing politics|right-wing]] White opposition, leading to the [[Conservative Party (South Africa)|Conservative Party]] winning a number of by-elections against NP candidates. De Klerk responded by calling a Whites-only [[1992 South African Referendum|referendum]] in March 1992 to decide whether negotiations should continue. 68% voted in favour, and the victory instilled in de Klerk and the government a lot more confidence, giving the NP a stronger position in negotiations. When negotiations resumed in May 1992, under the tag of CODESA II, stronger demands were made. The ANC and the government could not reach a compromise on how power should be shared during the transition to democracy. The NP wanted to retain a strong position in a transitional government, and the power to change decisions made by parliament. Persistent violence added to the tension during the negotiations. This was due mostly to the intense rivalry between the [[Inkatha Freedom Party]] (IFP) and the ANC and the eruption of some traditional tribal and local rivalries between the Zulu and Xhosa historical tribal affinities, especially in the Southern Natal provinces. Although Mandela and Buthelezi met to settle their differences, they could not stem the violence. One of the worst cases of ANC-IFP violence was the [[Boipatong massacre]] of 17 June 1992, when 200 IFP militants attacked the [[Gauteng]] township of [[Boipatong]], killing 45. Witnesses said that the men had arrived in police vehicles, supporting claims that elements within the police and army contributed to the ongoing violence. Subsequent judicial inquiries found the evidence of the witnesses to be unreliable or discredited, and that there was no evidence of National Party or police involvement in the massacre. When de Klerk visited the scene of the incident he was initially warmly welcomed, but he was suddenly confronted by a crowd of protesters brandishing stones and placards. The motorcade sped from the scene as police tried to hold back the crowd. Shots were fired by the police, and the PAC stated that three of its supporters had been gunned down.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,975920-1,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090823071559/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,975920-1,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=23 August 2009|magazine=Time |title=Enemies: Black vs. Black vs. White|first=Scott|last=Macleod|date=7 July 1992}}</ref> Nonetheless, the Boipatong massacre offered the ANC a pretext to engage in brinkmanship. Mandela argued that de Klerk, as head of state, was responsible for bringing an end to the bloodshed. He also accused the South African police of inciting the ANC-IFP violence. This formed the basis for ANC's withdrawal from the negotiations, and the CODESA forum broke down completely at this stage. The [[Bisho massacre]] on 7 September 1992 brought matters to a head. The [[Ciskei Defence Force]] killed 29 people and injured 200 when they opened fire on ANC marchers demanding the reincorporation of the [[Ciskei]] homeland into South Africa. In the aftermath, Mandela and de Klerk agreed to meet to find ways to end the spiralling violence. This led to a resumption of negotiations. Right-wing violence also added to the hostilities of this period. The assassination of [[Chris Hani]] on 10 April 1993 threatened to plunge the country into chaos. Hani, the popular General Secretary of the South African Communist Party (SACP), was assassinated in 1993 in [[Dawn Park]] in [[Johannesburg]] by [[Janusz Waluś]], an [[Anti-communism|anti-Communist]] [[Polish people|Polish]] refugee who had close links to the White nationalist [[Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging]] (AWB). Hani enjoyed widespread support beyond his constituency in the SACP and ANC and had been recognised as a potential successor to Mandela; his death brought forth protests throughout the country and across the [[international community]], but ultimately proved a turning point, after which the main parties pushed for a settlement with increased determination.<ref name=turningpoints>{{cite web|url=http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/library-resources/online%20books/turningpoints/bk6/intro.htm |title=Turning Points in History Book 6: Negotiation, Transition and Freedom |access-date=3 December 2007 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080309124114/http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/library-resources/online%20books/turningpoints/bk6/intro.htm |archive-date=9 March 2008 }}</ref> On 25 June 1993, the AWB used an armoured vehicle to [[Storming of Kempton Park World Trade Centre|crash through the doors]] of the [[Kempton Park, Gauteng|Kempton Park]] World Trade Centre where talks were still going ahead under the Negotiating Council, though this did not derail the process. In addition to the continuing "black-on-black" violence, there were a number of attacks on white civilians by the PAC's military wing, the [[Azanian People's Liberation Army]] (APLA). The PAC was hoping to strengthen their standing by attracting the support of the angry, impatient youth. In the [[St James Church massacre]] on 25 July 1993, members of the APLA opened fire in a church in Cape Town, killing 11 members of the congregation and wounding 58. In 1993, de Klerk and Mandela were jointly awarded the [[Nobel Peace Prize]] "for their work for the peaceful termination of the apartheid regime, and for laying the foundations for a new democratic South Africa".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://nobelprize.org/peace/laureates/1993|title=The Nobel Peace Prize 1993|publisher=Nobel Foundation|access-date=27 April 2007| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20060620040422/http://nobelprize.org/peace/laureates/1993/| archive-date=20 June 2006| url-status=live}}</ref> Violence persisted right up to the 1994 general election. [[Lucas Mangope]], leader of the Bophuthatswana homeland, declared that it would not take part in the elections. It had been decided that, once the temporary constitution had come into effect, the homelands would be incorporated into South Africa, but Mangope did not want this to happen. There were strong protests against his decision, leading to a [[Bophuthatswana coup d'état|coup d'état in Bophuthatswana]] carried out by the SDF on 10 March that deposed Mangope. AWB militants attempted to intervene in hopes of maintaining Mangope in power. Fighting alongside black paramilitaries loyal to Mangope they were unsuccessful, with 3 AWB militants being killed during this intervention, and harrowing images of the bloodshed shown on national television and in newspapers across the world. Two days before the election, a [[car bomb]] exploded in Johannesburg, killing nine people.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1058/is_n16_v111/ai_15239247 |title=Dawn of liberation – 1994 South African election |access-date=13 July 2008 |first=Christian |last=Century |date=11 May 1994 |publisher=BNet, a CBS Company}} {{Dead link|date=October 2010|bot=H3llBot|fix-attempted=yes}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.doj.gov.za/trc/media/1996/9612/s961213g.htm |title=New cut-off date opens amnesty doors for pre-election bombers |access-date=13 July 2008 |author=Truth and reconciliation commission |publisher=South African Department of Justice and Constitutional Development |author-link=Truth and reconciliation commission |archive-date=27 August 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090827211829/http://www.doj.gov.za/trc/media/1996/9612/s961213g.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> The day before the elections, another one went off, injuring 13. At midnight on 26–27 April 1994 the [[Flag of South Africa (1928–1994)|previous "orange white blue" flag adopted in 1928]] was lowered, and the old (now co-official) national anthem ''[[Die Stem van Suid-Afrika|Die Stem]]'' ("The Call") was sung, followed by the raising of the new [[Flag of South Africa|Y shaped flag]] and singing of the other co-official anthem, ''[[Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika]]'' ("God Bless Africa"). Since 2019, publicly displaying the 1928–1994 flag in South Africa is banned and it is classified as hate speech.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.thesouthafrican.com/news/why-apartheid-flag-banned-south-africa-hate-speech/ | title=Breaking: It's now 'illegal' to display the apartheid flag in South Africa | date=21 August 2019 }}</ref> === 1994 election === [[File:Flag of South Africa.svg|thumb|The new multicoloured [[flag of South Africa]] adopted in 1994 to mark the end of Apartheid]] {{Main|1994 South African general election}} The election was held on 27 April 1994 and went off peacefully throughout the country as 20 million South Africans cast their votes. There was some difficulty in organising the voting in rural areas, but people waited patiently for many hours to vote amidst a palpable feeling of goodwill. An extra day was added to give everyone the chance. International observers agreed that the elections were free and fair.<ref>Deegan, Heather (2001). ''The politics of the new South Africa: apartheid and after.'' Pearson Education. p. 194. {{ISBN|978-0-582-38227-5}}.</ref> The [[European Union]]'s report on the election compiled at the end of May 1994, published two years after the election, criticised the [[Independent Electoral Commission (South Africa)|Independent Electoral Commission]]'s lack of preparedness for the polls, the shortages of voting materials at many voting stations, and the absence of effective safeguards against [[Electoral fraud|fraud]] in the counting process. In particular, it expressed disquiet that "no international observers had been allowed to be present at the crucial stage of the count when party representatives negotiated over disputed ballots." This meant that both the electorate and the world were "simply left to guess at the way the final result was achieved."<ref name=Jeffery>Jeffery, A. ''People's War: New Light on the Struggle for South Africa''. Jonathan Ball.</ref> The ANC won 62.65% of the vote,<ref name=IEC-1994-results>{{cite web |url=http://www.elections.org.za/Elections94.asp |title=Elections '94 |access-date=13 July 2008 |publisher=Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080628132254/http://www.elections.org.za/Elections94.asp |archive-date=28 June 2008 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref name="fairvote-rsa1994">{{cite web|url=http://www.fairvote.org/?page=554|title=Spotlight Three: South Africa's 1994 Elections|access-date=13 July 2008|first=Arend|last=Lijphart|publisher=FairVote|archive-date=26 October 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081026035210/http://www.fairvote.org/?page=554|url-status=live}}</ref> less than the 66.7 percent that would have allowed it to rewrite the constitution. 252 of the 400 seats went to members of the African National Congress. The NP captured most of the White and Coloured votes and became the official [[Opposition (politics)|opposition party]]. As well as deciding the national government, the election decided the [[Provincial governments of South Africa|provincial governments]], and the ANC won in seven of the nine provinces, with the NP winning in the [[Western Cape]] and the IFP in [[KwaZulu-Natal]]. On 10 May 1994, Mandela was sworn in as the new President of South Africa. The [[Government of National Unity (South Africa)|Government of National Unity]] was established, its cabinet made up of 12 ANC representatives, six from the NP, and three from the IFP. [[Thabo Mbeki]] and de Klerk were made [[Deputy President of South Africa|deputy presidents]]. The anniversary of the elections, 27 April, is celebrated as a [[public holidays in South Africa|public holiday]] known as [[Freedom Day (South Africa)|Freedom Day]]. == Contrition == The following individuals, who had previously supported apartheid, made public apologies: * [[F. W. de Klerk]]: "I apologise in my capacity as leader of the NP to the millions who suffered wrenching disruption of forced removals; who suffered the shame of being arrested for pass law offences; who over the decades suffered the indignities and humiliation of racial discrimination."<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20050119042614/http://www.doj.gov.za/trc/media/1997/9705/s970514a.htm De Klerk apologises again for apartheid]. [[South African Press Association]]. 14 May 1997.</ref> In a video released after his death in 2021, he apologised one last time for apartheid, both on a personal level and in his capacity as former president.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HlW0UQFW0Gg|title=FW de Klerk's final message|date=12 November 2021|work=[[FW de Klerk Foundation]]|via=[[YouTube]]|access-date=13 November 2021|archive-date=13 November 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211113045945/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HlW0UQFW0Gg|url-status=live}}</ref> * [[Marthinus van Schalkwyk]]: "The National Party brought development to a section of South Africa, but also brought suffering through a system grounded on injustice", in a statement shortly after the [[National Party (South Africa)|National Party]] voted to disband.<ref>Meldrum, Andrew (11 April 2005). [https://www.theguardian.com/southafrica/story/0,13262,1456562,00.html Apartheid party bows out with apology] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220206070302/https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/apr/11/southafrica.andrewmeldrum |date=6 February 2022 }}. ''[[The Guardian]]''.</ref><ref>Macharia, James (11 April 2005). [https://www.boston.com/news/world/africa/articles/2005/04/11/south_africa_apartheid_party_votes_to_dissolve/ South Africa apartheid party votes to dissolve] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160305042058/http://www.boston.com/news/world/africa/articles/2005/04/11/south_africa_apartheid_party_votes_to_dissolve/ |date=5 March 2016 }}. ''[[The Boston Globe]]''.</ref> * [[Adriaan Vlok]] [[Maundy (foot washing)|washed the feet]] of apartheid victim [[Frank Chikane]] in an act of apology for the wrongs of the Apartheid regime.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.info.gov.za/speeches/2006/06082811151003.htm |title=Mr Adrian Vlok extends gesture of penance to Rev Frank Chikane, Director-General in the Presidency |date=28 August 2006 |publisher=South African Government Information |access-date=22 February 2009 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090828002841/http://www.info.gov.za/speeches/2006/06082811151003.htm |archive-date=28 August 2009 }}</ref> * [[Leon Wessels]]: "I am now more convinced than ever that apartheid was a terrible mistake that blighted our land. South Africans did not listen to the laughing and the crying of each other. I am sorry that I had been so hard of hearing for so long".<ref>[http://www.stanford.edu/class/history48q/Documents/EMBARGO/5chap6.htm Volume Five Chapter Six – Findings and Conclusions] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130314012223/http://www.stanford.edu/class/history48q/Documents/EMBARGO/5chap6.htm |date=14 March 2013 }}. Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.</ref> == International legal, political, and social uses of the term == The South African experience has given rise to the term "apartheid" being used in a number of contexts other than the South African system of racial segregation. For example: The "[[crime of apartheid]]" is defined in [[international law]], including in the 2007 [[Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court|law]] that created the [[International Criminal Court]] (ICC), which names it as a [[crime against humanity]]. Even before the creation of the ICC, the UN [[International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid]], which came into force in 1976, enshrined into law the "crime of apartheid."<ref>{{cite web|date=14 July 2021|title=International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of ''Apartheid''|url=https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.10_International%20Convention%20on%20the%20Suppression%20and%20Punishment%20of%20the%20Crime%20of%20Apartheid.pdf|website=[[un.org]]|access-date=14 July 2021|archive-date=5 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211205130743/https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.10_International%20Convention%20on%20the%20Suppression%20and%20Punishment%20of%20the%20Crime%20of%20Apartheid.pdf|url-status=live|id=[[United Nations General Assembly|G.A.]] res. 3068 (XXVIII)}}</ref> The term apartheid [[Israel and apartheid|has been adopted]] by [[Palestinians|Palestinian]] rights advocates and by leading Israeli and other [[human rights organization]]s, referring to the [[Israeli-occupied territories|Israeli occupation in the West Bank]], legal treatment of [[Israeli settlement|illegal settlements]] and the [[Israeli West Bank barrier|West Bank barrier]].<ref>{{cite web|work=[[B'Tselem]] |date=12 January 2021 |url=https://www.btselem.org/publications/fulltext/202101_this_is_apartheid |title=A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This is apartheid |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210508165214/https://www.btselem.org/publications/fulltext/202101_this_is_apartheid |archive-date=8 May 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|work=NBC News |author=Smith, Saphora|date=12 January 2021 |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/b-tselem-labels-israel-apartheid-regime-first-time-n1253863 |title=B'Tselem labels Israel an 'apartheid regime' for first time |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210508133850/https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/b-tselem-labels-israel-apartheid-regime-first-time-n1253863 |archive-date=8 May 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|work=[[Human Rights Watch]] |date=27 April 2021 |url=https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/04/27/threshold-crossed/israeli-authorities-and-crimes-apartheid-and-persecution |title=A Threshold Crossed – Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210428073809/https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/04/27/threshold-crossed/israeli-authorities-and-crimes-apartheid-and-persecution |archive-date=28 April 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|work=BBC News |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-56898864 |title=Israel committing crimes of apartheid and persecution - HRW |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210508002602/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-56898864 |archive-date=8 May 2021 |url-status=live |date=27 April 2021}}</ref> Within the pre-1967 Israeli borders, Palestinian rights advocates have raised concern over discriminatory housing planning against Palestinian citizens of Israel, likening it to racial segregation.<ref>{{cite web|work=[[Human Rights Watch]] |date=12 May 2020 |url=https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/05/12/israel-discriminatory-land-policies-hem-palestinians |title=Israel: Discriminatory Land Policies Hem in Palestinians |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210618190304/https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/05/12/israel-discriminatory-land-policies-hem-palestinians |archive-date=18 June 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref> Others argue that the Israeli treatment of Palestinians does not fit the definition of apartheid as it is motivated by security considerations and has nothing to do with race.<ref>{{cite journal|work=Social Science Research Network (eJournal) |title=Why Allegations that Israel Is An 'Apartheid' State Are False under International Law |author1=Sekulow, Jay A. |author2=Ash, Robert W. |date=January 2023 |ssrn=4343950 |doi=10.2139/ssrn.4343950}}</ref> [[Social apartheid]] is segregation on the basis of class or economic status. For example, [[social apartheid in Brazil]] refers to the various aspects of economic inequality in Brazil. Social apartheid may fall into various categories. Economic and social discrimination because of gender is sometimes referred to as [[gender apartheid]]. Separation of people according to their religion, whether pursuant to official laws or pursuant to social expectations, is sometimes referred to as [[religious apartheid]]. Communities in northern Ireland for example, are often housed based on religion in a situation which has been described as "self-imposed apartheid".<ref>{{cite web|title=Self-imposed apartheid|url=https://www.theguardian.com/society/2004/apr/14/northernireland.societyhousing|author=O'Hara, Mary|date=14 April 2004|access-date=14 July 2021|website=The Guardian|language=en|archive-date=11 February 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210211223645/https://www.theguardian.com/society/2004/apr/14/northernireland.societyhousing|url-status=live}}</ref> The concept in [[occupational therapy]] that individuals, groups and communities can be deprived of meaningful and purposeful activity through segregation due to social, political, economic factors and for social status reasons, such as race, disability, age, gender, sexuality, religious preference, political preference, or creed, or due to war conditions, is sometimes known as [[occupational apartheid]]. A 2007 book by [[Harriet A. Washington]] on the history of [[Unethical human experimentation in the United States|medical experimentation]] on [[African American]]s is entitled ''[[Medical Apartheid]]''. The disproportionate management and control of the world's economy and resources by countries and companies of the [[North–South divide in the World|Global North]] has been referred to as [[global apartheid]]. A related phenomenon is [[technological apartheid]], a term used to describe the denial of modern technologies to [[Third World]] or [[developing country|developing]] nations. The last two examples use the term "apartheid" less literally since they are centred on relations between countries, not on disparate treatment of social populations within a country or political jurisdiction. == See also == {{div col|colwidth=25em}} * [[Afrophobia]] * [[Allegations of apartheid by country]] * [[Apartheid in international law]] * [[Apartheid in art and literature]] * [[Black Codes (United States)]] * [[Civil rights movement]] * [[Discrimination based on skin colour]] * [[Divide and rule]] * [[History of South Africa]] * [[Index of racism-related articles]] * [[Jim Crow Laws]] * [[Legacies of apartheid]] * [[Music in the movement against apartheid]] * [[Negrophobia]] * [[Nuremberg Laws]] * [[Racial discrimination]] * [[Racial hierarchy]] * [[Racial segregation]] * [[Racism against African Americans]] * [[Racism against Asians]] * [[Racism against Native Americans in the United States]] * [[Racism by country]] {{div col end}} ==Notes and references== ===Annotations=== {{reflist |group=note}} {{reflist|group=lower-alpha}} ===References=== {{reflist}} ==Bibliography== * {{cite journal|doi=10.1177/097133360501700204|title=The Dynamics of Oppression|journal=Psychology and Developing Societies|volume=17|issue=2|pages=139–159|date=1 September 2005|last1=Naidoo|first1=Josephine C.|last2=Rajab|first2=Devi Moodley|s2cid=145782935}} == Further reading == {{refbegin}} * Bernstein, Hilda. ''For their Triumphs and for their Tears: Women in Apartheid South Africa. International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa''. London, 1985. * {{cite journal|doi=10.1080/14725843.2017.1319754|title=Overcoming the 'daily bludgeoning by apartheid': Black South African women writers, agency, and space|journal=African Identities|volume=15|issue=4|pages=414–427|year=2017|last1=Boswell|first1=Barbara|s2cid=151467416}} * Davenport, T. R. H. ''South Africa. A Modern History''. [[Macmillan Publishers|MacMillan]], 1977. * Davies, Rob, Dan O'Meara and Sipho Dlamini. ''The Struggle For South Africa: A reference guide to movements, organisations and institution''. Volume Two. London: [[Zed Books]], 1984 * De Klerk, F. W. ''The last Trek. A New Beginning''. MacMillan, 1998. {{ISBN?}} * {{cite web |url=https://jacobin.com/2023/02/tom-lodge-red-road-to-freedom-review-south-african-communist-party-anti-apartheid|title=South Africa's Communists Were Crucial to the Fight Against Apartheid|last=Dowling|first=Owen |date=12 February 2023 |website=[[Jacobin (magazine)|Jacobin]] |publisher= |access-date= |quote=}} * Du Pre, R. H. ''Separate but Unequal{{snds}}The 'Coloured' People of South Africa{{snds}}A Political History.''. Jonathan Ball, 1994. * Eiselen, W. W. N. The Meaning of Apartheid, ''Race Relations'', 15 (3), 1948. * Federal Research Division. ''South Africa – a country study''. [[Library of Congress]], 1996. * Giliomee, Herman ''The Afrikaners''. Hurst & Co., 2003. {{ISBN?}} * {{cite news |title=End of Apartheid in South Africa? Not in Economic Terms |quote=Political liberation has yet to translate into material gains for blacks. As one woman said, 'I've gone from a shack to a shack.' |first=Peter S. |last=Goodman |date=24 October 2017 |access-date=20 March 2018 |newspaper=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/24/business/south-africa-economy-apartheid.html |archive-date=15 March 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180315193349/https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/24/business/south-africa-economy-apartheid.html |url-status=live }} * Hexham, Irving, ''The Irony of Apartheid: The Struggle for National Independence of Afrikaner Calvinism against British Imperialism''. Edwin Mellen, 1981. * Keable, Ken ''[[London Recruits: The Secret War Against Apartheid]]''. [[Pontypool]], [[UK]]: Merlin Press. 2012. * Lapchick, Richard and Urdang, Stephanie. Oppression and Resistance. The Struggle of Women in Southern Africa. Westport, Connecticut: [[Greenwood Press]]. 1982. * Louw, P. Eric. ''The Rise, Fall and Legacy of Apartheid''. Praeger, 2004. {{ISBN?}} * {{cite journal|doi=10.1086/695377|title=Apartheid|journal=Critical Inquiry|volume=44|issue=2|pages=304–330|year=2018|last1=Makdisi|first1=Saree|s2cid=224798450}} * Meredith, Martin. ''In the name of apartheid: South Africa in the postwar period''. 1st US ed. New York: [[Harper & Row]], 1988. * Meredith, Martin. ''[[The State of Africa]]''. [[Free Press (publisher)|The Free Press]], 2005. * {{cite journal | last1 = Merrett | first1 = Christopher | year = 2005| title = Sport and Apartheid | journal = History Compass | volume = 3| pages = **| doi = 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2005.00165.x }} * Morris, Michael. ''Apartheid: An illustrated history''. Jonathan Ball Publishers. Johannesburg and Cape Town, 2012. * Newbury, Darren. ''Defiant Images: Photography and Apartheid South Africa'', University of South Africa (UNISA) Press, 2009. * Noah, Trevor. ''Born a Crime: Stories from a South African Childhood'', Random House 2016, {{ISBN|978-0399588174}}. * {{cite journal|doi=10.1080/17430430903377706|title=The untold story of Robben Island: Sports and the anti-Apartheid movement|journal=Sport in Society|volume=13|pages=36–42|year=2010|last1=Suze|first1=Anthony|s2cid=144871273}} * Terreblanche, S. ''A History of Inequality in South Africa, 1652–2002''. University of Natal Press, 2003. * Visser, Pippa. ''In search of history''. [[Oxford University Press]] Southern Africa, 2003. * Williams, Michael. ''Crocodile Burning''. 1994 {{ISBN?}} * Memorandum van die Volksraad, 2016 {{refend}} == External links == {{sister project links|collapsible=true|c=Category:Apartheid|d=Q11409}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r-ndELAPSd8 Apartheid: 20th Century Slavery] 1971 United Nations Report on Apartheid. *{{cite news|url=https://www.citylab.com/equity/2013/12/life-apartheid-era-south-africa/7821/|newspaper=Bloomberg.com|title=Life in Apartheid-Era South Africa|first=Mark|last=Byrnes|date=10 December 2010}} – Includes many photos * [http://www.apartheidmuseum.org/node/48 Understanding Apartheid Learner's Book] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150408002939/http://www.apartheidmuseum.org/node/48 |date=8 April 2015 }} – Series of PDFs published by the [[Apartheid Museum]] * [https://web.archive.org/web/20160112005600/https://www.issafrica.org/Pubs/Monographs/No81/Chap2.html The evolution of the white right] – ''Volk'', faith and fatherland: The security threat posed by the white right, by Martin Schönteich and Henri Boshoff, 2003 * [http://www.sahistory.org.za/20th-century-south-africa/freedom-charter-1955 Freedom Charter 1955] – About the [[Freedom Charter]] (SA History online) * [https://web.archive.org/web/20170903090730/http://www.districtsix.co.za/index.php District 6 Museum] – Cape Town's [[District Six]] Museum, which examines forced removals * [http://ictj.org/our-work/regions-and-countries/south-africa The International Centre for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)] provides resources on the legacy of apartheid and transitional justice in South Africa post-apartheid. * {{cite web |url=https://about.jstor.org/whats-in-jstor/primary-sources/struggles-freedom-southern-africa/ |title=Struggles for Freedom: Southern Africa |website=JSTOR|quote=Collection of primary source historical materials about apartheid South Africa}} * [http://www.senatehouselibrary.ac.uk/our-collections/special-collections/archives-manuscripts/subject-guides-to-archives/apartheid/ Apartheid archives subject guide] – [[London University]] {{Political history of South Africa}} {{Racism topics|state=collapsed}} {{Segregation by type|state=collapsed}} {{South Africa topics|state=collapsed}} {{South Africa year nav}} {{White people}}{{Portalbar|South Africa|1940s|1950s|1960s|1970s|1980s|1990s}} {{authority control}} [[Category:1948 establishments in South Africa]] [[Category:1950s in South Africa]] [[Category:1960s in South Africa]] [[Category:1970s in South Africa]] [[Category:1980s in South Africa]] [[Category:1990s disestablishments in South Africa]] [[Category:20th century in South Africa]] [[Category:Apartheid| ]] [[Category:Apartheid in South Africa| ]] [[Category:Apartheid in South West Africa| ]] [[Category:Discrimination in South Africa]] [[Category:Ethnicity in politics]] [[Category:Far-right politics in South Africa]] [[Category:Political terminology in South Africa]] [[Category:Politics and race]] [[Category:Racial segregation]] [[Category:Racism in South Africa]] [[Category:Fascism]] [[Category:White supremacy in Africa]] [[Category:Human rights abuses in South Africa]] Summary: Please note that all contributions to Christianpedia may be edited, altered, or removed by other contributors. 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