Palestinians

===1967–present===
{{see also|Six-Day War}}
Since 1967, Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have lived under military occupation, creating, according to Avram Bornstein, a [[prison|carceralization of their society]].<ref>Avram Bornstein, 'Military Occupation as Carceral Society: Prisons, Checkpoints, and Wall in the Israeli-Palestinian Struggle,' in Avram Bornstein, Paul E. Farmer (et al.)''An Anthropology Of War: Views from the Frontline,'' Berghahn Books, 2009 pp.106–130, p.108:'On the whole, the Israeli Occupation has created an increasing prison-like society for Palestinians'.</ref> In the meantime, pan-Arabism has waned as an aspect of Palestinian identity. The Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip and West Bank triggered a [[1967 Palestinian exodus|second Palestinian exodus]] and fractured Palestinian political and militant groups, prompting them to give up residual hopes in pan-Arabism. They rallied increasingly around the [[Palestine Liberation Organization]] (PLO), which had been formed in Cairo in 1964. The group grew in popularity in the following years, especially under the nationalistic orientation of the leadership of [[Yasser Arafat]].<ref name=plo1974>{{cite web|title=The PNC program of 1974|publisher=Mideastweb.org|date=8 June 1974|access-date=17 August 2007|url=http://www.mideastweb.org/plo1974.htm|archive-date=15 November 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171115184412/http://www.mideastweb.org/plo1974.htm|url-status=live}}The PNC adopted the goal of establishing a national state in 1974.</ref> Mainstream [[secular]] Palestinian nationalism was grouped together under the umbrella of the PLO whose constituent organizations include [[Fatah]] and the [[Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine]], among other groups who at that time believed that [[Palestinian political violence|political violence]] was the only way to "liberate" Palestine.<ref name=Khalidip18/> These groups gave voice to a tradition that emerged in the 1960s that argues Palestinian nationalism has deep historical roots, with extreme advocates reading a Palestinian nationalist consciousness and identity back into the history of Palestine over the past few centuries, and even millennia, when such a consciousness is in fact relatively modern.<ref name=Khalidip.149n>Khalidi, 1997, p. 149. Khalidi writes: 'As with other national movements, extreme advocates of this view go further than this, and anachronistically read back into the history of Palestine over the past few centuries, and even millennia, a nationalist consciousness and identity that are in fact relatively modern.'</ref>[[File:Arafat in Jordan.jpg|thumb|[[Yasser Arafat]], [[Nayef Hawatmeh]] and [[Kamal Nasser]] in a Jordan press conference in Amman, 1970]]The [[Battle of Karameh]] and the events of [[Black September in Jordan]] contributed to growing Palestinian support for these groups, particularly among Palestinians in exile. Concurrently, among Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, a new ideological theme, known as ''[[sumud]]'', represented the Palestinian political strategy popularly adopted from 1967 onward. As a concept closely related to the land, agriculture and [[indigenous (people)|indigenousness]], the ideal image of the Palestinian put forward at this time was that of the peasant (in Arabic, ''[[fellah]]'') who stayed put on his land, refusing to leave. A strategy more passive than that adopted by the [[Palestinian fedayeen]], ''sumud'' provided an important subtext to the narrative of the fighters, "in symbolizing continuity and connections with the land, with peasantry and a rural way of life."<ref name="Schulzp105">Schulz and Hammer, 2003, p. 105.</ref>

In 1974, the PLO was recognized as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people by the Arab nation-states and was granted observer status as a national [[liberation movement]] by the United Nations that same year.<ref name=IMEU/><ref>{{cite web|title=Security Council|publisher=WorldMUN2007&nbsp;– [[United Nations Security Council]]|date=30 March 2007|access-date=31 July 2007|url=http://www.worldmun.org/MUNBase2007/files/downloads/guides/SCGuideA.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070808101615/http://www.worldmun.org/MUNBase2007/files/downloads/guides/SCGuideA.pdf |archive-date=8 August 2007}}</ref> Israel rejected the resolution, calling it "shameful".<ref name=Allon>{{cite web |url=http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/ForeignPolicy/MFADocuments/Yearbook2/Pages/48%20Statement%20in%20the%20Knesset%20by%20Deputy%20Premier%20and.aspx |title=48 Statement in the Knesset by Deputy Premier and Foreign Minister Allon – 26 November 1974 |publisher=[[Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Israel)]] |date=26 November 1974 |access-date=30 November 2013 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131203031206/http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/ForeignPolicy/MFADocuments/Yearbook2/Pages/48%20Statement%20in%20the%20Knesset%20by%20Deputy%20Premier%20and.aspx |archive-date=3 December 2013}}</ref> In a speech to the [[Knesset]], Deputy Premier and Foreign Minister [[Yigal Allon]] outlined the government's view that: "No one can expect us to recognize the terrorist organization called the PLO as representing the Palestinians—because it does not. No one can expect us to negotiate with the heads of terror-gangs, who through their ideology and actions, endeavor to liquidate the State of Israel."<ref name=Allon/>

In 1975, the United Nations established a subsidiary organ, the [[Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People]], to recommend a program of implementation to enable the Palestinian people to exercise national independence and their rights to self-determination without external interference, national independence and sovereignty, and to return to their homes and property.<ref>See Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People [https://www.un.org/Depts/dpa/qpal/committee_background.htm] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110905034212/http://www.un.org/Depts/dpa/qpal/committee_background.htm|date=5 September 2011}}</ref>
[[File:Protest for palestine Tunis Kassba 17-05-2021 By Brahim Guedich-4062.jpg|thumb|Protest for Palestine in [[Tunisia]]]]
The [[First Intifada]] (1987–93) was the first popular uprising against the Israeli occupation of 1967. Followed by the PLO's 1988 proclamation of a [[State of Palestine]], these developments served to further reinforce the Palestinian national identity. After the [[Gulf War]] in 1991, Kuwaiti authorities forcibly pressured nearly 200,000 Palestinians to [[Palestinian exodus from Kuwait (Gulf War)|leave Kuwait]].<ref name=ppp>{{cite journal|url=http://www.meforum.org/3391/kuwait-expels-palestinians|title=Kuwait Expels Thousands of Palestinians|author=Steven J. Rosen|journal=Middle East Forum|date=September 2012|access-date=29 November 2023|archive-date=11 May 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130511182542/http://www.meforum.org/3391/kuwait-expels-palestinians|url-status=live}}</ref> The policy which partly led to this exodus was a response to the alignment of PLO leader Yasser Arafat with [[Saddam Hussein]].

The [[Oslo Accords]], the first Israeli–Palestinian interim peace agreement, were signed in 1993. The process was envisioned to last five years, ending in June 1999, when the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip and the Jericho area began. The expiration of this term without the recognition by Israel of the Palestinian State and without the effective termination of the occupation was followed by the [[Second Intifada]] in 2000.<ref>{{cite web|title=Report of the Independent Fact Finding Committee on Gaza: No Safe Place |url=http://www.arableagueonline.org/las/picture_gallery/reportfullFINAL.pdf |publisher=The League of Arab States |access-date=20 September 2010 |page=145 |date=30 April 2009 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091013190358/http://www.arableagueonline.org/las/picture_gallery/reportfullFINAL.pdf |archive-date=13 October 2009 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=Palestine and the Palestinians: a social and political history|last1=Farsoun|first1=Samih|last2=Hasan Aruri|first2=Naseer|year=2006|publisher=Westview Press|page=275}}</ref> The second intifada was more violent than the first.<ref>{{cite book|last=Gordon|first=Neve|title=Israel's occupation|year=2008|publisher=University of California Press|isbn=978-0-520-25531-9|pages=198|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4RX7t4X8_RMC&pg=PA198|access-date=29 November 2023|archive-date=29 November 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231129193133/https://books.google.com/books?id=4RX7t4X8_RMC&pg=PA198#v=onepage&q&f=false|url-status=live}}</ref> The International Court of Justice observed that since the government of Israel had decided to recognize the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people, their existence was no longer an issue. The court noted that the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip of 28 September 1995 also referred a number of times to the Palestinian people and its "legitimate rights".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf|title=ICJ Opinion|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100706021237/http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf|archive-date=6 July 2010}}</ref> According to [[Thomas Giegerich]], with respect to the Palestinian people's right to form a sovereign independent state, "The right of self-determination gives the Palestinian people collectively the inalienable right freely to determine its political status, while Israel, having recognized the Palestinians as a separate people, is obliged to promote and respect this right in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations".<ref name=Giegerich>{{cite book|title=New Political Entities in Public and Private International Law: With Special Reference to the Palestinian Entity|year=1999|publisher=Kluwer Law International|isbn=978-9041111555|pages=198–200|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kSMTX5jwaxQC&pg=PA198|author=Thomas Giegerich|editor1=Amos Shapira|editor2=Mala Tabory|chapter=The Palestinian Autonomy and International Human Rights Law: Perspectives on an Ongoing Process of Nation-Building|access-date=29 November 2023|archive-date=29 November 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231129193611/https://books.google.com/books?id=kSMTX5jwaxQC&pg=PA198#v=onepage&q&f=false|url-status=live}}</ref>

Following the failures of the Second Intifada, a younger generation is emerging that cares less about nationalist ideology than about economic growth. This has been a source of tension between some of the Palestinian political leadership and Palestinian business professionals who desire economic cooperation with Israelis. At an international conference in Bahrain, Palestinian businessman Ashraf Jabari said, "I have no problem working with Israel. It is time to move on. ... The Palestinian Authority does not want peace. They told the families of the businessmen that they are wanted [by police] for participating in the Bahrain workshop."<ref>[[Jeffrey Sonnenfeld|Sonnenfeld, Jeffrey]]. [https://fortune.com/2019/06/30/bahrain-summit-middle-east/ "The Bahrain Conference: What the Experts and the Media Missed."] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231120194052/https://fortune.com/2019/06/30/bahrain-summit-middle-east/ |date=20 November 2023 }} ''Fortune''. 30 June 2019. 3 July 2019.</ref>