University

===Early modern universities===
{{See also|List of early modern universities in Europe|List of colonial universities in Latin America}}
[[File:St Salvators Chapel , St Andrews.jpg|alt=St Salvator's college St Andrews|thumb|upright=1.2|The [[University of St Andrews]], founded in 1410, is Scotland's oldest university.<ref>{{Cite web|title=University League Tables 2021|url=https://www.thecompleteuniversityguide.co.uk/league-tables/rankings|access-date=2021-05-02|website=www.thecompleteuniversityguide.co.uk|language=en|archive-date=25 June 2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110625164636/http://www.thecompleteuniversityguide.co.uk/league-tables/rankings/|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=The best UK universities 2021 – rankings|url=http://www.theguardian.com/education/ng-interactive/2020/sep/05/the-best-uk-universities-2021-league-table|access-date=2021-05-02|website=the Guardian|language=en|archive-date=4 May 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210504112216/https://www.theguardian.com/education/ng-interactive/2020/sep/05/the-best-uk-universities-2021-league-table|url-status=live}}</ref>]]
During the [[Early Modern period]] (approximately late 15th century to 1800), the universities of Europe would see a tremendous amount of growth, productivity and innovative research. At the end of the Middle Ages, about 400 years after the first European university was founded, there were 29 universities spread throughout Europe. In the 15th century, 28 new ones were created, with another 18 added between 1500 and 1625.<ref>Grendler, P. F. (2004). The universities of the Renaissance and Reformation. Renaissance Quarterly, 57, pp. 1-3.</ref> This pace continued until by the end of the 18th century there were approximately 143 universities in Europe, with the highest concentrations in the German Empire (34), Italian countries (26), France (25), and Spain (23) – this was close to a 500% increase over the number of universities toward the end of the Middle Ages. This number does not include the numerous universities that disappeared, or institutions that merged with other universities during this time.<ref>Frijhoff, W. (1996). Patterns. In H. D. Ridder-Symoens (Ed.), Universities in early modern Europe, 1500-1800, A history of the university in Europe. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, p. 75.</ref> The identification of a university was not necessarily obvious during the Early Modern period, as the term is applied to a burgeoning number of institutions. In fact, the term "university" was not always used to designate a higher education institution. In [[Mediterranean Sea|Mediterranean countries]], the term ''[[studium generale]]'' was still often used, while "Academy" was common in Northern European countries.<ref>Frijhoff, W. (1996). Patterns. In H. D. Ridder-Symoens (Ed.), Universities in early modern Europe, 1500-1800, A history of the university in Europe. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, p. 47.</ref>

The propagation of universities was not necessarily a steady progression, as the 17th century was rife with events that adversely affected university expansion. Many wars, and especially the [[Thirty Years' War]], disrupted the university landscape throughout Europe at different times. [[War]], [[Plague (disease)|plague]], [[famine]], [[regicide]], and changes in religious power and structure often adversely affected the societies that provided support for universities. Internal strife within the universities themselves, such as student brawling and absentee professors, acted to destabilize these institutions as well. Universities were also reluctant to give up older curricula, and the continued reliance on the works of Aristotle defied contemporary advancements in science and the arts.<ref>Grendler, P. F. (2004). The universities of the Renaissance and Reformation. Renaissance Quarterly, 57, p. 23.</ref> This era was also affected by the rise of the [[nation-state]]. As universities increasingly came under state control, or formed under the auspices of the state, the faculty governance model (begun by the University of Paris) became more and more prominent. Although the older student-controlled universities still existed, they slowly started to move toward this structural organization. Control of universities still tended to be independent, although university leadership was increasingly appointed by the state.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Scott | first1 = J. C. | year = 2006 | title = The mission of the university: Medieval to Postmodern transformations | journal = Journal of Higher Education | volume = 77 | issue = 1| pages = 10–13 | doi=10.1353/jhe.2006.0007| s2cid = 144337137 }}</ref>

Although the structural model provided by the University of Paris, where student members are controlled by faculty "masters", provided a standard for universities, the application of this model took at least three different forms. There were universities that had a system of faculties whose teaching addressed a very specific curriculum; this model tended to train specialists. There was a collegiate or tutorial model based on the system at [[University of Oxford]] where teaching and organization was decentralized and knowledge was more of a generalist nature. There were also universities that combined these models, using the collegiate model but having a centralized organization.<ref>Frijhoff, W. (1996). Patterns. In H. D. Ridder-Symoens (Ed.), Universities in early modern Europe, 1500-1800, A history of the university in Europe. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, p. 65.</ref>

[[File:11-11-24-basel-by-ralfr-035.jpg|thumb|upright=1.2|Old main building of the [[University of Basel]] – Switzerland's oldest university (1460). The university is among the birthplaces of [[Renaissance humanism]].]]
Early Modern universities initially continued the curriculum and research of the Middle Ages: [[natural philosophy]], logic, medicine, theology, mathematics, astronomy, astrology, law, grammar and [[rhetoric]]. Aristotle was prevalent throughout the curriculum, while medicine also depended on Galen and Arabic scholarship. The importance of humanism for changing this state-of-affairs cannot be underestimated.<ref>Ruegg, W. (1992). Epilogue: the rise of humanism. In H. D. Ridder-Symoens (Ed.), Universities in the Middle Ages, A history of the university in Europe. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press.</ref> Once humanist professors joined the university faculty, they began to transform the study of grammar and rhetoric through the [[studia humanitatis]]. Humanist professors focused on the ability of students to write and speak with distinction, to translate and interpret classical texts, and to live honorable lives.<ref>Grendler, P. F. (2002). The universities of the Italian renaissance. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, p. 223.</ref> Other scholars within the university were affected by the humanist approaches to learning and their linguistic expertise in relation to ancient texts, as well as the ideology that advocated the ultimate importance of those texts.<ref>Grendler, P. F. (2002). The universities of the Italian renaissance. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, p. 197.</ref> Professors of medicine such as [[Niccolò Leoniceno]], [[Thomas Linacre]] and William Cop were often trained in and taught from a humanist perspective as well as translated important ancient medical texts. The critical mindset imparted by humanism was imperative for changes in universities and scholarship. For instance, [[Andreas Vesalius]] was educated in a humanist fashion before producing a translation of Galen, whose ideas he verified through his own dissections. In law, Andreas Alciatus infused the ''[[Corpus Juris]]'' with a humanist perspective, while [[Jacques Cujas]] humanist writings were paramount to his reputation as a jurist. [[Philipp Melanchthon]] cited the works of [[Erasmus]] as a highly influential guide for connecting theology back to original texts, which was important for the reform at Protestant universities.<ref>Ruegg, W. (1996). Themes. In H. D. Ridder-Symoens (Ed.), Universities in Early Modern Europe, 1500-1800, A history of the university in Europe. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, pp. 33-39.</ref> [[Galileo Galilei]], who taught at the Universities of [[University of Pisa|Pisa]] and [[University of Padua|Padua]], and [[Martin Luther]], who taught at the [[University of Wittenberg]] (as did Melanchthon), also had humanist training. The task of the humanists was to slowly permeate the university; to increase the humanist presence in professorships and chairs, syllabi and textbooks so that published works would demonstrate the humanistic ideal of science and scholarship.<ref>Grendler, P. F. (2004). The universities of the Renaissance and Reformation. Renaissance Quarterly, 57, pp. 12-13.</ref>
[[File:Class_at_Salamanca.jpg|thumb|upright=1.2|17th-century classroom at the [[University of Salamanca]]]]
Although the initial focus of the humanist scholars in the university was the discovery, exposition and insertion of ancient texts and languages into the university, and the ideas of those texts into society generally, their influence was ultimately quite progressive. The emergence of classical texts brought new ideas and led to a more creative university climate (as the notable list of scholars above attests to). A focus on knowledge coming from self, from the human, has a direct implication for new forms of scholarship and instruction, and was the foundation for what is commonly known as the humanities. This disposition toward knowledge manifested in not simply the translation and propagation of ancient texts, but also their adaptation and expansion. For instance, Vesalius was imperative for advocating the use of Galen, but he also invigorated this text with experimentation, disagreements and further research.<ref>Bylebyl, J. J. (2009). Disputation and description in the renaissance pulse controversy. In A. Wear, R. K. French, & I. M. Lonie (Eds.), The medical renaissance of the sixteenth century (1st ed., pp. 223-245). Cambridge University Press.</ref> The propagation of these texts, especially within the universities, was greatly aided by the emergence of the printing press and the beginning of the use of the vernacular, which allowed for the printing of relatively large texts at reasonable prices.<ref>Füssel, S. (2005). Gutenberg and the Impact of Printing (English ed.). Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate Pub., p. 145.</ref>

Examining the influence of humanism on scholars in medicine, mathematics, astronomy and physics may suggest that humanism and universities were a strong impetus for the scientific revolution. Although the connection between humanism and the scientific discovery may very well have begun within the confines of the university, the connection has been commonly perceived as having been severed by the changing nature of science during the [[Scientific Revolution]]. Historians such as [[Richard S. Westfall]] have argued that the overt traditionalism of universities inhibited attempts to re-conceptualize nature and knowledge and caused an indelible tension between universities and scientists.<ref>Westfall, R. S. (1977). The construction of modern science: mechanisms and mechanics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 105.</ref> This resistance to changes in science may have been a significant factor in driving many scientists away from the university and toward private benefactors, usually in princely courts, and associations with newly forming scientific societies.<ref>Ornstein, M. (1928). The role of scientific societies in the seventeenth century. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.</ref>

Other historians find incongruity in the proposition that the very place where the vast number of the scholars that influenced the scientific revolution received their education should also be the place that inhibits their research and the advancement of science. In fact, more than 80% of the European scientists between 1450 and 1650 included in the [[Dictionary of Scientific Biography]] were university trained, of which approximately 45% held university posts.<ref>Gascoigne, J. (1990). A reappraisal of the role of the universities in the Scientific Revolution. In D. C. Lindberg & R. S. Westman (Eds.), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, pp. 208-209.</ref> It was the case that the academic foundations remaining from the Middle Ages were stable, and they did provide for an environment that fostered considerable growth and development. There was considerable reluctance on the part of universities to relinquish the symmetry and comprehensiveness provided by the Aristotelian system, which was effective as a coherent system for understanding and interpreting the world. However, university professors still have some autonomy, at least in the sciences, to choose epistemological foundations and methods. For instance, Melanchthon and his disciples at University of Wittenberg were instrumental for integrating Copernican mathematical constructs into astronomical debate and instruction.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Westman | first1 = R. S. | year = 1975 | title = The Melanchthon circle:, rheticus, and the Wittenberg interpretation of the Copernicantheory | doi = 10.1086/351431| journal = Isis | volume = 66 | issue = 2| pages = 164–193 | s2cid = 144116078 }}</ref> Another example was the short-lived but fairly rapid adoption of Cartesian epistemology and methodology in European universities, and the debates surrounding that adoption, which led to more mechanistic approaches to scientific problems as well as demonstrated an openness to change. There are many examples which belie the commonly perceived intransigence of universities.<ref>Gascoigne, J. (1990). A reappraisal of the role of the universities in the Scientific Revolution. In D. C. Lindberg & R. S. Westman (Eds.), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, pp. 210-229.</ref> Although universities may have been slow to accept new sciences and methodologies as they emerged, when they did accept new ideas it helped to convey legitimacy and respectability, and supported the scientific changes through providing a stable environment for instruction and material resources.<ref>Gascoigne, J. (1990). A reappraisal of the role of the universities in the Scientific Revolution. In D. C. Lindberg & R. S. Westman (Eds.), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, pp. 245-248.</ref>

Regardless of the way the tension between universities, individual scientists, and the scientific revolution itself is perceived, there was a discernible impact on the way that university education was constructed. Aristotelian epistemology provided a coherent framework not simply for knowledge and knowledge construction, but also for the training of scholars within the higher education setting. The creation of new scientific constructs during the scientific revolution, and the epistemological challenges that were inherent within this creation, initiated the idea of both the autonomy of science and the hierarchy of the disciplines. Instead of entering higher education to become a "general scholar" immersed in becoming proficient in the entire curriculum, there emerged a type of scholar that put science first and viewed it as a vocation in itself. The divergence between those focused on science and those still entrenched in the idea of a general scholar exacerbated the epistemological tensions that were already beginning to emerge.<ref>Feingold, M. (1991). Tradition vs novelty: universities and scientific societies in the early modern period. In P. Barker & R. Ariew (Eds.), Revolution and continuity: essays in the history and philosophy of early modern science, Studies in philosophy and the history of philosophy. Washington, D.C: Catholic University of America Press, pp. 53-54.</ref>

The epistemological tensions between scientists and universities were also heightened by the economic realities of research during this time, as individual scientists, associations and universities were vying for limited resources. There was also competition from the formation of new colleges funded by private benefactors and designed to provide free education to the public, or established by local governments to provide a knowledge-hungry populace with an alternative to traditional universities.<ref>Feingold, M. (1991). Tradition vs novelty: universities and scientific societies in the early modern period. In P. Barker & R. Ariew (Eds.), Revolution and continuity: essays in the history and philosophy of early modern science, Studies in philosophy and the history of philosophy. Washington, D.C: Catholic University of America Press, pp. 46-50.</ref> Even when universities supported new scientific endeavors, and the university provided foundational training and authority for the research and conclusions, they could not compete with the resources available through private benefactors.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = See | last2 = Baldwin | first2 = M | year = 1995 | title = The snakestone experiments: an early modern medical debate | doi = 10.1086/357237 | pmid =  7591659| journal = Isis | volume = 86 | issue = 3| pages = 394–418 | s2cid = 6122500 }}</ref>

By the end of the early modern period, the structure and orientation of higher education had changed in ways that are eminently recognizable for the modern context. Aristotle was no longer a force providing the epistemological and methodological focus for universities and a more mechanistic orientation was emerging. The hierarchical place of theological knowledge had for the most part been displaced and the humanities had become a fixture, and a new openness was beginning to take hold in the construction and dissemination of knowledge that were to become imperative for the formation of the modern state.