Racial segregation in the United States

==Hypersegregation==
In an often-cited 1988 study, [[Douglas Massey]] and [[Nancy Denton]] compiled 20 existing segregation measures and reduced them to five dimensions of residential segregation.<ref>{{cite book|author=Vincent N. Parrillo|title=Encyclopedia of Social Problems|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mRGr_B4Y1CEC&pg=PT508|year=2008|publisher=SAGE Publications|page=508|isbn=978-1412941655}}</ref> Dudley L. Poston and Michael Micklin argue that Massey and Denton "brought conceptual clarity to the theory of segregation measurement by identifying five dimensions".<ref>{{cite book|author1=Dudley L. Poston|author2=Michael Micklin|title=Handbook of Population|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fenOb8i4cTEC&pg=PA499|year=2006|publisher=Springer|page=499|isbn=978-0387257020}}</ref>

African Americans are considered to be racially segregated because of all five dimensions of segregation being applied to them within these inner cities across the U.S. These five dimensions are evenness, clustering, exposure, centralization and concentration.<ref name="Hypersegregation">{{Cite journal|author=Douglas S. Massey|author-link=Douglas Massey|author2=Nancy A. Denton|s2cid=37301240|date=August 1989|title=Hypersegregation in U.S. Metropolitan Areas: Black and Hispanic Segregation Along Five Dimensions|journal=Demography|volume=26|issue=3|pages=373–391|doi=10.2307/2061599|issn=0070-3370|jstor=2061599|pmid=2792476|oclc=486395765|doi-access=free}}</ref>

Evenness is the difference between the percentage of a minority group in a particular part of a city, compared to the city as a whole. Exposure is the likelihood that a minority and a majority party will come in contact with one another. Clustering is the gathering of different minority groups into a single space; clustering often leads to one big [[ghetto]] and the formation of "hyperghettoization". Centralization measures the tendency of members of a minority group to be located in the middle of an urban area, often computed as a percentage of a minority group living in the middle of a city (as opposed to the outlying areas). Concentration is the dimension that relates to the actual amount of land a minority lives on within its particular city. The higher segregation is within that particular area, the smaller the amount of land a minority group will control.<ref name="Hypersegregation" />{{Rp|page=373 (2 in pdf)}}

The pattern of hypersegregation began in the early 20th century. African-Americans who moved to large cities often moved into the inner-city in order to gain industrial jobs. The influx of new African-American residents caused many white residents to move to the new suburbs (federally subsidized for white families only<ref name="Rothstein-2018"/>) in a case of [[white flight]]. 
This was encouraged by the government, as many were white middle-class families who lived in [[Subsidized housing in the United States#Public Works Administration (PWA) Housing Division|segregated public housing first established in the 1930s]]. The US government heavily advertised the suburbs to them and the subsidized mortgages the government provided were typically cheaper than monthly rent.<ref name="Rothstein-2018"/> These same mortgages were not provided to Black Americans in public housing, leading to overcrowding, while white public housing sat vacant.<ref name="Rothstein-2018"/>

As industry began to move out of the inner-city, the African-American residents lost the stable jobs that had brought them to the area. Many were unable to leave the inner-city and became increasingly poor.<ref name="Hurst">{{Cite book| author = Charles E. Hurst| title = Social Inequality: Forms, causes, and consequences| edition = 6th| publisher = Pearson| location = Boston| year = 2007| isbn = 978-0205698295}}</ref> This created the inner-city ghettos that make up the core of hypersegregation. Though the [[Civil Rights Act of 1968]] banned discrimination in housing, housing patterns established earlier saw the perpetuation of hypersegregation.<ref>{{Cite journal| author = David R Williams| author2 = Chiquita Collins| title = Racial Residential Segregation: A Fundamental Cause of Racial Disparities in Health| journal = [[Public Health Reports]] | year = 2001| url = https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1093/phr/116.5.404 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120110021807/http://www.publichealthreports.org/archives/issueopen.cfm?articleID=1121 | archive-date = January 10, 2012 | url-status = live | volume =  116| issue = 5| pages = 404–416| doi = 10.1093/phr/116.5.404| pmid = 12042604| pmc = 1497358| issn = 0033-3549}}</ref>{{cbignore}} Data from the 2000 census shows that 29 metropolitan areas displayed black-white hypersegregation. Two areas—Los Angeles and New York City—displayed Hispanic-white hypersegregation. No metropolitan area displayed hypersegregation for Asians or for Native Americans.<ref>{{Cite journal| author = Rima Wilkes| author2 = John Iceland| s2cid = 5777361| year = 2004| title = Hypersegregation in the Twenty First Century| journal = Demography| volume = 41| issue = 1| pages = 23–361| oclc = 486373184| jstor = 1515211| doi=10.1353/dem.2004.0009| pmid=15074123| doi-access = free}}</ref>
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