Apartheid

== Final years of apartheid ==
{{Main|Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa}}

=== Factors ===
==== Institutional racism ====
Apartheid developed from the racism of colonial factions and due to South Africa's "unique industrialisation".<ref name="NigelWorden">Nigel, Worden, The making of modern South Africa: Conquest, Segregation and Apartheid, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2000) p. 3.</ref> The policies of [[industrialisation]] led to the segregation and classing of people, which was "specifically developed to nurture early industry such as [[mining]]".<ref name="NigelWorden" /> Cheap labour was the basis of the economy and this was taken from what the state classed as peasant groups and the migrants.<ref>Philip Boner, Peter, Delius, Deborah, Posel, "The Shaping of Apartheid, contradiction, continuity and popular struggle", The Worlds Knowledge, (1993) pp. 1–47 (p. 6.)</ref> Furthermore, [[Philip Bonner]] highlights the "contradictory economic effects" as the economy did not have a manufacturing sector, therefore promoting short term profitability but limiting labour productivity and the size of local markets. This also led to its collapse as "Clarkes emphasises the economy could not provide and compete with foreign rivals as they failed to master cheap labour and complex chemistry".<ref>Philip Boner, Peter, Delius, Deborah, Posel, "The Shaping of Apartheid, contradiction, continuity and popular struggle", The Worlds Knowledge, (1993) pp. 1–47 (p. 7.)</ref>

==== Economic contradictions ====
The contradictions{{clarify|date=June 2017}} in the traditionally capitalist economy of the apartheid state led to considerable debate about racial policy, and division and conflicts in the central state.<ref name="PaulMaylam">Paul, Maylam, "The Rise and Decline of Urban Apartheid in South Africa", African Affairs, 89.354(1990) pp. 57–84 (p. 54.)</ref> To a large extent, the political ideology of apartheid had emerged from the colonisation of Africa by European powers which institutionalised racial discrimination and exercised a paternal philosophy of "civilising inferior natives."<ref name="PaulMaylam" /> Some scholars have argued that this can be reflected in [[Afrikaner Calvinism]], with its parallel traditions of racialism;<ref name="SaulDubow">[[Saul Dubow|Dubow, Saul]], "Afrikaner Nationalism, Apartheid and the conceptualisation of 'Race{{'"}}, The Journal of African History, 33 (1992) pp. 209–237 (pp. 209, 211)</ref> for example, as early as 1933; the executive council of the Broederbond formulated a recommendation for mass segregation.<ref name="SaulDubow" />

==== Western influence ====
[[File:South Africa House anti apartheid London 1989.jpg|thumb|Anti-apartheid protest at [[South Africa House]] in London, 1989]]
External Western influence, arising from European experiences in colonisation, may be seen as a factor which greatly influenced political attitudes and ideology. Late twentieth-century South Africa was cited as an "unreconstructed example of western civilisation twisted by racism".<ref>L.H, Gann, "Apartheids Genesis 1935–1962", Business Library, (1994) pp. 1–6. (p. 1.)</ref>

In the 1960s, South Africa experienced [[economic growth]] second only to that of [[Japan]].<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Legasick | first1 = Martin | year = 1974 | title = Legislation, Ideology and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa | journal = Journal of Southern African Studies | volume = 1 | issue = 1| pages = 5–35 | doi = 10.1080/03057077408707921 }}</ref> Trade with Western countries grew, and investment from the United States, France, and the United Kingdom poured in.

In 1974, resistance to apartheid was encouraged by [[Portuguese Colonial War|Portuguese withdrawal]] from [[Mozambique]] and [[Angola]], after the 1974 [[Carnation Revolution]]. South African troops withdrew from Angola early in 1976, failing to prevent the [[MPLA]] from gaining power there, and Black students in South Africa celebrated.

The [[Mahlabatini Declaration of Faith]], signed by [[Mangosuthu Buthelezi]] and [[Harry Schwarz]] in 1974, enshrined the principles of [[peaceful transition of power]] and equality for all. Its purpose was to provide a blueprint for South Africa by consent and racial peace in a multi-racial society, stressing opportunity for all, consultation, the federal concept, and a [[Bill of rights|Bill of Rights]]. It caused a split in the [[United Party (South Africa)|United Party]] that ultimately realigned oppositional politics in South Africa with the formation of the [[Progressive Federal Party]] in 1977. The Declaration was the first of several such joint agreements by acknowledged Black and White political leaders in South Africa.

In 1978, the National Party Defence Minister, [[Pieter Willem Botha]], became Prime Minister. His white minority regime worried about Soviet aid to revolutionaries in South Africa at the same time that South African economic growth had slowed. The South African Government noted that it was spending too much money to maintain segregated homelands created for Blacks, and the homelands were proving to be uneconomical.<ref name=":0" />

Nor was maintaining Blacks as third-class citizens working well. Black labour remained vital to the economy, and illegal Black labour unions were flourishing. Many Blacks remained too poor to contribute significantly to the economy through their purchasing power{{snds}}although they composed more than 70% of the population. Botha's regime feared that an antidote was needed to prevent the Blacks being attracted to communism.<ref>{{cite journal|title = Democratization in South Africa|last = Giliomee|first = Hermann|date = 1995|journal = Political Science Quarterly|volume = 110|issue = 1|pages = 83–104|doi = 10.2307/2152052|jstor = 2152052}}</ref>

In July 1979, the Nigerian Government alleged that the Shell-BP Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited (SPDC) was selling Nigerian oil to South Africa, though there was little evidence or commercial logic for such sales.<ref>{{cite book|last=Weymouth Genova|first=Ann|title=Oil and Nationalism in Nigeria, 1970–1980|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5T3NVGzBmkUC&pg=PA123|access-date=11 April 2012|year=2007|isbn=978-0-549-26666-2|page=123|archive-date=30 May 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130530041221/http://books.google.com/books?id=5T3NVGzBmkUC&pg=PA123|url-status=live}} Weymouth Genova covers the possibility of Nigerian oil going to South Africa in detail from page 113. Heavily laden tankers have to respect the ocean currents which means they travel clockwise around Africa; oil for South Africa would likely come from the Middle East rather than West Africa. Nigeria had been taking over other oil marketing companies to reduce price differentials across the country; they needed to fill a budget shortfall due to low oil prices and had a history of disputes with BP and the UK Government, so BP assets were seized when Shell's stake in SPDC was not.</ref> The alleged sanctions-breaking was used to justify the seizure of some of BP's assets in Nigeria including their stake in SPDC, although it appears the real reasons were economic nationalism and domestic politics ahead of the Nigerian elections.<ref>{{cite book|last=Weymouth Genova|first=Ann|title=Oil and Nationalism in Nigeria, 1970–1980|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5T3NVGzBmkUC&pg=PA171|access-date=11 April 2012|year=2007|isbn=978-0-549-26666-2|page=171|archive-date=13 June 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130613193201/http://books.google.com/books?id=5T3NVGzBmkUC&pg=PA171|url-status=live}}</ref> Many South Africans attended schools in Nigeria,<ref>{{cite book|last=Adesanmi|first=Pius|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pQRE3H2F6JUC&q=during+apartheid+many+south+africans+attended+school+in+nigeria&pg=PT53|title=You're Not a Country, Africa|date=2012 |publisher=Penguin Random House South Africa|isbn=978-0-14-352865-4|language=en|access-date=8 November 2020|archive-date=6 February 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220206070301/https://books.google.com/books?id=pQRE3H2F6JUC&q=during+apartheid+many+south+africans+attended+school+in+nigeria&pg=PT53|url-status=live}}</ref> and Nelson Mandela acknowledged the role of Nigeria in the struggle against apartheid on several occasions.<ref>{{cite web|title=South African envoy: Mandela begged Nigeria for money to fight apartheid|url=https://www.thecable.ng/%e2%80%8b-south-african-envoy-mandela-came-nigeria-beg-money|date=31 July 2016|website=TheCable|language=en-US|access-date=27 May 2020|archive-date=26 July 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200726072900/https://www.thecable.ng/%e2%80%8b-south-african-envoy-mandela-came-nigeria-beg-money|url-status=live}}</ref>

In the 1980s, anti-apartheid movements in the United States and Europe were gaining support for boycotts against South Africa, for the withdrawal of US companies from South Africa, and for release of imprisoned Nelson Mandela. South Africa was sinking to the bottom of the international community. Investment in South Africa was ending and an active policy of [[Disinvestment from South Africa|disinvestment]] had begun.{{citation needed|date=November 2023}}

=== Tricameral parliament ===
{{Main|Tricameral Parliament}}
In the early-1980s, Botha's National Party government started to recognise the inevitability of the need to reform the apartheid system.<ref>Knox, Colin; Quirk, Pádraic (2000). ''Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland, Israel and South Africa: transition, transformation and reconciliation.'' Palgrave Macmillan. p. 151.</ref> Early reforms were driven by a combination of internal violence, international condemnation, changes within the National Party's constituency, and changing demographics{{snds}}whites constituted only 16% of the total population, in comparison to 20% fifty years earlier.<ref>Beinart, William (2001). ''Twentieth-century South Africa''. Oxford University Press. p. 202. {{ISBN|978-0-19-289318-5}}.</ref>

In 1983, a new constitution was passed implementing what was called the Tricameral Parliament, giving Coloureds and Indians voting rights and parliamentary representation in separate houses{{snds}}the House of Assembly (178 members) for Whites, the House of Representatives (85 members) for Coloureds and the House of Delegates (45 members) for Indians.<ref>Taylor & Francis Group (2004). ''Europa World Year Book 2, Book 2.'' Taylor & Francis. p. 3841.</ref> Each House handled laws pertaining to its racial group's "own affairs", including health, education and other community issues.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1993/12/23/s-africa-approves-charter/8af5f9d9-8e1b-49f2-bc61-5978df4a1be9/ |last=Taylor |first=Paul |date=23 December 1993 |title=S. Africa Approves Charter; White-Led Parliament Votes for Constitution Canceling Its Powers. |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]] |access-date=9 February 2021 |archive-date=4 November 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211104213139/https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1993/12/23/s-africa-approves-charter/8af5f9d9-8e1b-49f2-bc61-5978df4a1be9/ |url-status=live }}</ref> All laws relating to "general affairs" (matters such as defence, industry, taxation and Black affairs) were handled by a Cabinet made up of representatives from all three houses. However, the White chamber had a large majority on this Cabinet, ensuring that effective control of the country remained in the hands of the White minority.<ref>Wople, Harold (1990). ''Race, class & the apartheid state.'' Africa World Press. p. 93. {{ISBN|978-0-86543-142-3}}.</ref><ref>Marais, D. (1989). ''South Africa: constitutional development, a multi-disciplinary approach.'' Southern Book Publishers. p. 258. {{ISBN|978-1-86812-159-5}}.</ref> Blacks, although making up the majority of the population, were excluded from representation; they remained nominal citizens of their homelands.<ref>Lötter, Hennie P. P. (1997). ''Injustice, violence and peace: the case of South Africa.'' Rodopi. p. 49. {{ISBN|978-90-420-0264-7}}.</ref> The first Tricameral elections were largely boycotted by Coloured and Indian voters, amid widespread rioting.<ref>"Cops fight crowds at S. Africa elections." ''[[Philadelphia Daily News]].'' 28 August 1984.</ref>

=== Reforms and contact with the ANC under Botha ===
Concerned over the popularity of Mandela, Botha denounced him as an arch-[[Marxism|Marxist]] committed to violent revolution, but to appease Black opinion and nurture Mandela as a benevolent leader of Blacks,<ref name=":0">{{cite book|last=Akansake|first=Albin|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CBLPr9RxjCoC&q=Concerned+over+the+popularity+of+Mandela,+Botha+denounced+him+as+an+arch-Marxist+committed+to+violent+revolution&pg=PA35|title=Who Is the First-Class Ghanaian?: A Story of Tribalism, Religion, and Sectionalism in Ghana and the Way Forward|date=18 April 2013|publisher=iUniverse|isbn=978-1-4759-8538-2|language=en|access-date=8 November 2020|archive-date=6 February 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220206070318/https://books.google.com/books?id=CBLPr9RxjCoC&q=Concerned+over+the+popularity+of+Mandela%2C+Botha+denounced+him+as+an+arch-Marxist+committed+to+violent+revolution&pg=PA35|url-status=live}}</ref> the government transferred him from the maximum security [[Robben Island]] to the lower security [[Pollsmoor Prison]] just outside [[Cape Town]]; where prison life was more comfortable for him. The government allowed Mandela more visitors, including visits and interviews by foreigners, to let the world know that he was being treated well.<ref name=":0" />

Black homelands were declared [[nation-state]]s and [[pass laws]] were abolished. Black labour unions were legitimised, the government recognised the right of Blacks to live in urban areas permanently and gave Blacks [[property rights]] there. Interest was expressed in rescinding the law against interracial marriage and also rescinding the law against sexual relations between different races, which was under ridicule abroad. The spending for Black schools increased, to one-seventh of what was spent per white child, up from on one-sixteenth in 1968. At the same time, attention was given to strengthening the effectiveness of the police apparatus.

In January 1985, Botha addressed the government's House of Assembly and stated that the government was willing to release Mandela on condition that Mandela pledge opposition to acts of violence to further political objectives. Mandela's reply was read in public by his daughter Zinzi{{snds}}his first words distributed publicly since his sentence to prison 21 years earlier. Mandela described violence as the responsibility of the apartheid regime and said that with democracy there would be no need for violence. The crowd listening to the reading of his speech erupted in cheers and chants. This response helped to further elevate Mandela's status in the eyes of those, both internationally and domestically, who opposed apartheid.

Between 1986 and 1988, some petty apartheid laws were repealed, along with the pass laws.<ref name="saHistoryPassLaws">{{cite news|url=https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/pass-laws-south-africa-1800-1994|title=Pass laws in South Africa 1800–1994|last=sahoboss|date=21 March 2011|work=South African History Online|access-date=4 June 2018|language=en|archive-date=14 June 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180614104339/http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/pass-laws-south-africa-1800-1994|url-status=live}}</ref> Botha told [[White South Africans]] to "adapt or die"<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20080408085819/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,916936,00.html South Africa: Adapt or Die]. ''Time''.</ref> and twice he wavered on the eve of what were billed as "[[Point of no return|rubicon]]" announcements of substantial reforms, although on both occasions he backed away from substantial changes. Ironically, these reforms served only to trigger intensified political violence through the remainder of the 1980s as more communities and political groups across the country joined the resistance movement. Botha's government stopped short of substantial reforms, such as lifting the ban on the ANC, PAC and SACP and other liberation organisations, releasing political prisoners, or repealing the foundation laws of grand apartheid. The government's stance was that they would not contemplate negotiating until those organisations "renounced violence".

By 1987, South Africa's economy was growing at one of the lowest rates in the world, and the ban on South African participation in international sporting events was frustrating many whites in South Africa. Examples of African states with Black leaders and White minorities existed in [[Kenya]] and [[Zimbabwe]]. Whispers of South Africa one day having a Black President sent more hardline whites into supporting right-wing political parties. Mandela was moved to a four-bedroom house of his own, with a swimming pool and shaded by fir trees, on a prison farm just outside of Cape Town. He had an unpublicised meeting with Botha. Botha impressed Mandela by walking forward, extending his hand and pouring Mandela's tea. The two had a friendly discussion, with Mandela comparing the African National Congress' rebellion with that of the [[Afrikaner rebellion]] and talking about everyone being brothers.

A number of clandestine meetings were held between the ANC-in-exile and various sectors of the internal struggle, such as women and educationalists. More overtly, a group of White intellectuals met the ANC in [[Senegal]] for talks known as the [[Dakar Conference]].<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Lieberfeld | first1 = Daniel | s2cid = 22512618 | year = 2002 | title = Evaluating the Contributions of Track-two Diplomacy to Conflict Termination in South Africa, 1984–90 | journal = Journal of Peace Research | volume = 39 | issue = 3| pages = 355–372 | doi = 10.1177/0022343302039003006 }}</ref>

=== Presidency of F. W. de Klerk ===
[[File:Frederik de Klerk with Nelson Mandela - World Economic Forum Annual Meeting Davos 1992.jpg|thumb|de Klerk and Mandela in [[Davos]], 1992]]
Early in 1989, Botha had a [[stroke]]; he was prevailed upon to resign in February 1989.<ref>Roherty, James Michael (1992). ''State security in South Africa: civil-military relations under P.W. Botha.'' M.E. Sharpe. p. 23. {{ISBN|978-0-87332-877-7}}.</ref> He was succeeded as president later that year by [[Frederik Willem de Klerk|F. W. de Klerk]]. Despite his initial reputation as a conservative, de Klerk moved decisively towards negotiations to end the political stalemate in the country. Prior to his term in office, F. W. de Klerk had already experienced political success as a result of the power base he had built in the Transvaal. During this time, F. W. de Klerk served as chairman to the provincial National Party, which was in favour of the Apartheid regime. The transition of de Klerk's ideology regarding apartheid is seen clearly in his opening address to parliament on 2 February 1990. F. W. de Klerk announced that he would repeal discriminatory laws and lift the 30-year ban on leading anti-apartheid groups such as the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress, the [[South African Communist Party]] (SACP) and the [[United Democratic Front (South Africa)|United Democratic Front]]. The Land Act was brought to an end. F. W. de Klerk also made his first public commitment to release Nelson Mandela, to return to [[press freedom]] and to suspend the death penalty. Media restrictions were lifted and political prisoners not guilty of [[common law]] crimes were released.

On 11 February 1990, Nelson Mandela was released from [[Victor Verster Prison]] after more than 27 years behind bars.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/11/newsid_2539000/2539947.stm |title=1990: Freedom for Nelson Mandela |date=11 February 1990 |publisher=BBC |access-date=16 September 2023 |archive-date=23 October 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121023134531/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/11/newsid_2539000/2539947.stm |url-status=live }}</ref>

Having been instructed by the [[UN Security Council]] to end its long-standing involvement in South West Africa/[[Namibia]], and in the face of military stalemate in Southern Angola, and an escalation in the size and cost of the combat with the Cubans, the Angolans, and SWAPO forces and the growing cost of the border war, South Africa negotiated a change of control; [[Namibia]] became independent on 21 March 1990.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.klausdierks.com/Chronology/132.htm |title=Chronology of Namibian Independence |access-date=16 September 2023 |archive-date=23 May 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200523021428/http://www.klausdierks.com/Chronology/132.htm |url-status=live }}</ref>

=== Negotiations ===
{{Main|Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa}}
Apartheid was dismantled in a series of negotiations from 1990 to 1991, culminating in a transitional period which resulted in the country's 1994 general election, the first in South Africa held with [[universal suffrage]].

In 1990, negotiations were earnestly begun, with two meetings between the government and the ANC. The purpose of the negotiations was to pave the way for talks towards a peaceful transition towards majority rule. These meetings were successful in laying down the preconditions for negotiations, despite the considerable tensions still abounding within the country. Apartheid legislation was abolished in 1991.<ref name="Abolished"/>

At the first meeting, the NP and ANC discussed the conditions for negotiations to begin. The meeting was held at [[Groote Schuur]], the President's official residence. They released the Groote Schuur Minute, which said that before negotiations commenced political prisoners would be freed and all exiles allowed to return.

There were fears that the change of power would be violent. To avoid this, it was essential that a peaceful resolution between all parties be reached. In December 1991, the [[Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa|Convention for a Democratic South Africa]] (CODESA) began negotiations on the formation of a multiracial [[Provisional government|transitional government]] and a new constitution extending political rights to all groups. CODESA adopted a Declaration of Intent and committed itself to an "undivided South Africa".

Reforms and negotiations to end apartheid led to a backlash among the [[Right-wing politics|right-wing]] White opposition, leading to the [[Conservative Party (South Africa)|Conservative Party]] winning a number of by-elections against NP candidates. De Klerk responded by calling a Whites-only [[1992 South African Referendum|referendum]] in March 1992 to decide whether negotiations should continue. 68% voted in favour, and the victory instilled in de Klerk and the government a lot more confidence, giving the NP a stronger position in negotiations.

When negotiations resumed in May 1992, under the tag of CODESA II, stronger demands were made. The ANC and the government could not reach a compromise on how power should be shared during the transition to democracy. The NP wanted to retain a strong position in a transitional government, and the power to change decisions made by parliament.

Persistent violence added to the tension during the negotiations. This was due mostly to the intense rivalry between the [[Inkatha Freedom Party]] (IFP) and the ANC and the eruption of some traditional tribal and local rivalries between the Zulu and Xhosa historical tribal affinities, especially in the Southern Natal provinces. Although Mandela and Buthelezi met to settle their differences, they could not stem the violence. One of the worst cases of ANC-IFP violence was the [[Boipatong massacre]] of 17 June 1992, when 200 IFP militants attacked the [[Gauteng]] township of [[Boipatong]], killing 45. Witnesses said that the men had arrived in police vehicles, supporting claims that elements within the police and army contributed to the ongoing violence. Subsequent judicial inquiries found the evidence of the witnesses to be unreliable or discredited, and that there was no evidence of National Party or police involvement in the massacre. When de Klerk visited the scene of the incident he was initially warmly welcomed, but he was suddenly confronted by a crowd of protesters brandishing stones and placards. The motorcade sped from the scene as police tried to hold back the crowd. Shots were fired by the police, and the PAC stated that three of its supporters had been gunned down.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,975920-1,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090823071559/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,975920-1,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=23 August 2009|magazine=Time |title=Enemies: Black vs. Black vs. White|first=Scott|last=Macleod|date=7 July 1992}}</ref> Nonetheless, the Boipatong massacre offered the ANC a pretext to engage in brinkmanship. Mandela argued that de Klerk, as head of state, was responsible for bringing an end to the bloodshed. He also accused the South African police of inciting the ANC-IFP violence. This formed the basis for ANC's withdrawal from the negotiations, and the CODESA forum broke down completely at this stage.

The [[Bisho massacre]] on 7 September 1992 brought matters to a head. The [[Ciskei Defence Force]] killed 29 people and injured 200 when they opened fire on ANC marchers demanding the reincorporation of the [[Ciskei]] homeland into South Africa. In the aftermath, Mandela and de Klerk agreed to meet to find ways to end the spiralling violence. This led to a resumption of negotiations.

Right-wing violence also added to the hostilities of this period. The assassination of [[Chris Hani]] on 10 April 1993 threatened to plunge the country into chaos. Hani, the popular General Secretary of the South African Communist Party (SACP), was assassinated in 1993 in [[Dawn Park]] in [[Johannesburg]] by [[Janusz Waluś]], an [[Anti-communism|anti-Communist]] [[Polish people|Polish]] refugee who had close links to the White nationalist [[Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging]] (AWB). Hani enjoyed widespread support beyond his constituency in the SACP and ANC and had been recognised as a potential successor to Mandela; his death brought forth protests throughout the country and across the [[international community]], but ultimately proved a turning point, after which the main parties pushed for a settlement with increased determination.<ref name=turningpoints>{{cite web|url=http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/library-resources/online%20books/turningpoints/bk6/intro.htm |title=Turning Points in History Book 6: Negotiation, Transition and Freedom |access-date=3 December 2007 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080309124114/http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/library-resources/online%20books/turningpoints/bk6/intro.htm |archive-date=9 March 2008 }}</ref> On 25 June 1993, the AWB used an armoured vehicle to [[Storming of Kempton Park World Trade Centre|crash through the doors]] of the [[Kempton Park, Gauteng|Kempton Park]] World Trade Centre where talks were still going ahead under the Negotiating Council, though this did not derail the process.

In addition to the continuing "black-on-black" violence, there were a number of attacks on white civilians by the PAC's military wing, the [[Azanian People's Liberation Army]] (APLA). The PAC was hoping to strengthen their standing by attracting the support of the angry, impatient youth. In the [[St James Church massacre]] on 25 July 1993, members of the APLA opened fire in a church in Cape Town, killing 11 members of the congregation and wounding 58.

In 1993, de Klerk and Mandela were jointly awarded the [[Nobel Peace Prize]] "for their work for the peaceful termination of the apartheid regime, and for laying the foundations for a new democratic South Africa".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://nobelprize.org/peace/laureates/1993|title=The Nobel Peace Prize 1993|publisher=Nobel Foundation|access-date=27 April 2007| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20060620040422/http://nobelprize.org/peace/laureates/1993/| archive-date=20 June 2006| url-status=live}}</ref>

Violence persisted right up to the 1994 general election. [[Lucas Mangope]], leader of the Bophuthatswana homeland, declared that it would not take part in the elections. It had been decided that, once the temporary constitution had come into effect, the homelands would be incorporated into South Africa, but Mangope did not want this to happen. There were strong protests against his decision, leading to a [[Bophuthatswana coup d'état|coup d'état in Bophuthatswana]] carried out by the SDF on 10 March that deposed Mangope. AWB militants attempted to intervene in hopes of maintaining Mangope in power. Fighting alongside black paramilitaries loyal to Mangope they were unsuccessful, with 3 AWB militants being killed during this intervention, and harrowing images of the bloodshed shown on national television and in newspapers across the world.

Two days before the election, a [[car bomb]] exploded in Johannesburg, killing nine people.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1058/is_n16_v111/ai_15239247 |title=Dawn of liberation – 1994 South African election |access-date=13 July 2008 |first=Christian |last=Century |date=11 May 1994 |publisher=BNet, a CBS Company}} {{Dead link|date=October 2010|bot=H3llBot|fix-attempted=yes}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.doj.gov.za/trc/media/1996/9612/s961213g.htm |title=New cut-off date opens amnesty doors for pre-election bombers |access-date=13 July 2008 |author=Truth and reconciliation commission |publisher=South African Department of Justice and Constitutional Development |author-link=Truth and reconciliation commission |archive-date=27 August 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090827211829/http://www.doj.gov.za/trc/media/1996/9612/s961213g.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> The day before the elections, another one went off, injuring 13. At midnight on 26–27 April 1994 the [[Flag of South Africa (1928–1994)|previous "orange white blue" flag adopted in 1928]] was lowered, and the old (now co-official) national anthem ''[[Die Stem van Suid-Afrika|Die Stem]]'' ("The Call") was sung, followed by the raising of the new [[Flag of South Africa|Y shaped flag]] and singing of the other co-official anthem, ''[[Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika]]'' ("God Bless Africa").

Since 2019, publicly displaying the 1928–1994 flag in South Africa is banned and it is classified as hate speech.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.thesouthafrican.com/news/why-apartheid-flag-banned-south-africa-hate-speech/ | title=Breaking: It's now 'illegal' to display the apartheid flag in South Africa | date=21 August 2019 }}</ref>

=== 1994 election ===
[[File:Flag of South Africa.svg|thumb|The new multicoloured [[flag of South Africa]] adopted in 1994 to mark the end of Apartheid]]

{{Main|1994 South African general election}}
The election was held on 27 April 1994 and went off peacefully throughout the country as 20 million South Africans cast their votes. There was some difficulty in organising the voting in rural areas, but people waited patiently for many hours to vote amidst a palpable feeling of goodwill. An extra day was added to give everyone the chance. International observers agreed that the elections were free and fair.<ref>Deegan, Heather (2001). ''The politics of the new South Africa: apartheid and after.'' Pearson Education. p. 194. {{ISBN|978-0-582-38227-5}}.</ref> The [[European Union]]'s report on the election compiled at the end of May 1994, published two years after the election, criticised the [[Independent Electoral Commission (South Africa)|Independent Electoral Commission]]'s lack of preparedness for the polls, the shortages of voting materials at many voting stations, and the absence of effective safeguards against [[Electoral fraud|fraud]] in the counting process. In particular, it expressed disquiet that "no international observers had been allowed to be present at the crucial stage of the count when party representatives negotiated over disputed ballots." This meant that both the electorate and the world were "simply left to guess at the way the final result was achieved."<ref name=Jeffery>Jeffery, A. ''People's War: New Light on the Struggle for South Africa''. Jonathan Ball.</ref>

The ANC won 62.65% of the vote,<ref name=IEC-1994-results>{{cite web |url=http://www.elections.org.za/Elections94.asp |title=Elections '94 |access-date=13 July 2008 |publisher=Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080628132254/http://www.elections.org.za/Elections94.asp |archive-date=28 June 2008 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref name="fairvote-rsa1994">{{cite web|url=http://www.fairvote.org/?page=554|title=Spotlight Three: South Africa's 1994 Elections|access-date=13 July 2008|first=Arend|last=Lijphart|publisher=FairVote|archive-date=26 October 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081026035210/http://www.fairvote.org/?page=554|url-status=live}}</ref> less than the 66.7 percent that would have allowed it to rewrite the constitution. 252 of the 400 seats went to members of the African National Congress. The NP captured most of the White and Coloured votes and became the official [[Opposition (politics)|opposition party]]. As well as deciding the national government, the election decided the [[Provincial governments of South Africa|provincial governments]], and the ANC won in seven of the nine provinces, with the NP winning in the [[Western Cape]] and the IFP in [[KwaZulu-Natal]]. On 10 May 1994, Mandela was sworn in as the new President of South Africa. The [[Government of National Unity (South Africa)|Government of National Unity]] was established, its cabinet made up of 12 ANC representatives, six from the NP, and three from the IFP. [[Thabo Mbeki]] and de Klerk were made [[Deputy President of South Africa|deputy presidents]].

The anniversary of the elections, 27 April, is celebrated as a [[public holidays in South Africa|public holiday]] known as [[Freedom Day (South Africa)|Freedom Day]].