Marriage

==Post-marital residence==
In many Western cultures, marriage usually leads to the formation of a new household comprising the married couple, with the married couple living together in the same home, often sharing the same bed, but in some other cultures this is not the tradition.<ref>{{cite book|last=Rosenblatt|first=Paul C.|title=Two in a Bed: The Social System of Couple Bed Sharing|year=2006|publisher=State University of New York Press|url=http://www.sunypress.edu/details.asp?id=61306|isbn=978-0-7914-6829-6|access-date=13 January 2007|archive-date=3 July 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090703024457/http://www.sunypress.edu/details.asp?id=61306}}</ref> Among the [[Minangkabau people|Minangkabau]] of [[West Sumatra]], residency after marriage is [[Matrilocal residence|matrilocal]], with the husband moving into the household of his wife's mother.<ref>{{cite book|last=Sanday|first=Peggy Reeves|title=Women at the center: life in a modern matriarchy|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2002|isbn=978-0-8014-8906-8}}</ref> Residency after marriage can also be [[Patrilocal residence|patrilocal]] or [[Avunculate#Avunculocal societies|avunculocal]]. In these cases, married couples may not form an independent household, but remain part of an extended family household.

Early theories explaining the determinants of postmarital residence<ref>For example, [[Lewis Henry Morgan]], [[Edward Tylor]], or [[George Peter Murdock]]</ref> connected it with the sexual division of labor. However, to date, [[cross-cultural]] tests of this [[hypothesis]] using worldwide samples have failed to find any significant relationship between these two variables. However, [[Andrey Korotayev|Korotayev]]'s tests show that the female contribution to subsistence does correlate significantly with matrilocal residence in general. However, this correlation is masked by a general polygyny factor.

Although, in different-sex marriages, an increase in the female contribution to subsistence tends to lead to matrilocal residence, it also tends simultaneously to lead to general non-sororal [[polygyny]] which effectively destroys [[Matrilocal residence|matrilocality]]. If this polygyny factor is controlled (e.g., through a multiple [[Regression analysis|regression]] model), division of labor turns out to be a significant predictor of postmarital residence. Thus, Murdock's hypotheses regarding the relationships between the sexual division of labor and postmarital residence were basically correct, though<ref>as has been shown by [[Andrey Korotayev|Korotayev]]</ref> the actual relationships between those two groups of variables are more complicated than he expected.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Korotayev |first=A. |title=Form of marriage, sexual division of labor, and postmarital residence in cross-cultural perspective: A reconsideration |journal=Journal of Anthropological Research |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/51985620 |year=2003 |volume=59 |issue=1 |pages=69–89 |jstor=3631445 |doi=10.1086/jar.59.1.3631445 |s2cid=147513567 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Korotayev |first=A. |title=Division of Labor by Gender and Postmarital Residence in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Reconsideration |journal=Cross-Cultural Research |year=2003 |volume=37 |issue=4 |pages=335–72 |doi=10.1177/1069397103253685 |s2cid=145694651 }}</ref>

There has been a trend toward the [[neolocal residence]] in western societies.<ref>{{cite book |title=Marriage, Family, and Kinship: Comparative Studies of Social Organization |first1=Melvin |last1=Ember |first2=Carol R. |last2=Ember |location=New Haven |publisher=[[HRAF]] Press |year=1983 |isbn=978-0-87536-113-0 }}</ref>