Lyndon B. Johnson

===1964 presidential election===
{{Main|1964 United States presidential election}}
{{Further|1964 Democratic National Convention}}
[[File:ElectoralCollege1964.svg|thumb|upright=1.3|In the [[1964 United States presidential election|1964 presidential election]], Johnson won 486 [[United States Electoral College|electoral college]] votes to [[Barry Goldwater]]'s 52]]
In Spring 1964, Johnson was not optimistic about his prospects of being elected president.<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|p=127}}</ref> A pivotal change took place in April when he assumed personal management of negotiations between the railroad brotherhood and the railroad industry over the issue of [[featherbedding]]. Johnson emphasized to the parties the potential impact upon the economy of a strike. After considerable horse-trading, especially with the carriers who won promises from the president for greater freedom in setting rights and more liberal depreciation allowances from the [[Internal Revenue Service]], Johnson obtained an agreement. This substantially boosted his self-confidence and image.<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|pp=124–126}}</ref>

[[Robert F. Kennedy]] was widely considered an impeccable choice for Johnson's [[Vice President of the United States|vice presidential]] running mate but Johnson and Kennedy had never liked each other, and Johnson, afraid that Kennedy would be credited with his election as president, consistently opposed the idea of including him as a running mate.<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|pp=135–137}}</ref> Kennedy was undecided about accepting an offer as Johnson's running mate, knowing that the prospect rankled Johnson. [[Barry Goldwater]]'s poor polling numbers was perceived as reducing the political significance of Johnson's selection of a running mate.<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|pp=140–142}}</ref> Hubert Humphrey's selection as vice president then became a foregone conclusion and was thought to strengthen Johnson in the [[Midwestern United States|Midwest]] and industrial [[Northeastern United States|Northeast]].<ref name="Dallek 1998, p. 157">{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|p=157}}</ref> Knowing the degree of frustration inherent in the office of vice president, Johnson put Humphrey through a gauntlet of interviews to guarantee his loyalty. Having made the decision, he kept the announcement from the press until the last moment to maximize media speculation and coverage.<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|pp=157–159}}</ref>

In preparation for the [[1964 Democratic National Convention|Democratic convention]] in [[Atlantic City, New Jersey|Atlantic City]], Johnson requested the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation|FBI]] send 30 agents to cover convention activities; the objective of the squad was to inform the [[White House]] staff of any disruptive activities. The squad's focus narrowed upon the [[Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party]] (MFDP) delegation, which sought to displace the white segregationist delegation regularly selected in the state. The squad's activities included wiretaps of [[Martin Luther King]]'s room and the [[Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee]] (SNCC) and the [[Congress of Racial Equality]] (CORE). From beginning to end, the squad's assignment was carefully couched in terms of the monitoring of disruptive activities that might endanger the president and other high-ranking officials.<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|pp=161–163}}</ref>

Johnson was very concerned about potential political damage from media coverage of racial tensions exposed by a credentials fight between the MFDP and the segregationist delegation, and he assigned Humphrey to manage the problem.<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|p=164}}</ref> The convention's Credentials Committee declared that two MFDP delegates in the delegation be seated as observers and agreed to "bar future delegations from states where any citizens are deprived of the right to vote because of their race or color".<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|p=165}}</ref> The MFDP rejected the committee's ruling. The convention became the apparent personal triumph that Johnson craved, but a sense of betrayal caused by the marginalization of the MFDP would trigger disaffection with Johnson and the Democratic Party from the left; SNCC chairman [[John Lewis]] would call it a "turning point in the civil rights movement".<ref name="lewis">{{cite book|last1=Lewis |first1=John |last2=D'Orso |first2=Michael |author-link2=Mike D'Orso |publisher=[[Harcourt Brace]] |date=1998 |title=Walking with the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement |isbn=978-0-15-600708-5 |url=https://archive.org/details/walkingwithwinda00lewi }}</ref>

Early in the 1964 presidential campaign, Barry Goldwater appeared to be a strong contender, with strong support from the South, which threatened Johnson's position as he had predicted in reaction to the passage of the Civil Rights Act. However, Goldwater lost momentum as his campaign progressed. On September 7, 1964, Johnson's campaign managers broadcast the "[[Daisy (television commercial)|Daisy ad]]": it portrayed a little girl picking petals from a [[common daisy|daisy]], followed by a countdown and explosion of a nuclear bomb. The message conveyed was that electing Goldwater risked a nuclear war. Goldwater's campaign message was best symbolized by the bumper sticker displayed by supporters claiming "In your heart, you know he's right". Opponents captured the spirit of Johnson's campaign with bumper stickers that said "In your heart, you know he might" and "In your guts, you know he's nuts".<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|p=170}}</ref> CIA Director [[William Colby]] asserted that [[Tracy Barnes]] instructed the CIA to spy on the Goldwater campaign and the Republican National Committee to provide information to Johnson's campaign.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2018/05/22/cia-fbi-spy-presidential-campaign-trump-goldwater-218415/|title=When the CIA Infiltrated a Presidential Campaign Politico|first=Steve|last=Usdin|magazine=Politico|date=May 22, 2018}}</ref> Johnson won the presidency by a landslide with 61.05&nbsp;percent of the vote, making it the highest ever [[List of United States presidential elections by popular vote margin|share of the popular vote]].<ref>Leip, David. ''[http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/ Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections]''</ref> At the time, this was also the widest popular margin in the 20th century—more than 15.95&nbsp;million votes—this was later surpassed by incumbent President Nixon's victory in [[1972 United States presidential election|1972]].<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|p=182}}</ref> In the [[Electoral College (United States)|Electoral College]], Johnson defeated Goldwater by a margin of 486 to 52. Johnson won 44 states, compared to Goldwater's six. Voters also gave Johnson the largest majorities in Congress since FDR's election in 1936—a Senate with a 68–32 majority and a House with a 295–140 Democratic margin.<ref>{{harvnb|Dallek|1998|p=184}}</ref>