Incumbent

==Incumbency advantage==
In general, an incumbent has a political advantage over challengers at [[election]]s. Except when the timing of elections is determined by a constitution or by legislation, the incumbent in some countries may have the right to determine the date of an election.

For most political offices, the incumbent often has more [[name recognition]] due to their previous work in the office. Incumbents also have easier access to [[campaign finance]], as well as government resources (such as the [[franking privilege]]) that can be indirectly used to boost the incumbent's re-election campaign.

In the United States, an election (especially for a [[single-member constituency]] in a [[legislature]]) in which an incumbent is not seeking re-election is often called an ''open seat''; because of the lack of incumbency advantage, these are often amongst the most hotly contested races in any election.<ref name="jstor.org">{{Cite journal |last1=Gelman |first1=Andrew |last2=King |first2=Gary |date=1990 |title=Estimating Incumbency Advantage without Bias |journal=American Journal of Political Science |volume=34 |issue=4 |pages=1142–1164 |doi=10.2307/2111475 |jstor=2111475 |s2cid=3752645 |issn=0092-5853 |s2cid-access=free |url=https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/a0e2/322b6755bfde6435727f96f3f2a16f61a38e.pdf |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240121022423/https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/a0e2/322b6755bfde6435727f96f3f2a16f61a38e.pdf |archive-date= Jan 21, 2024 }}</ref> Also, an open contest is created when the term of office is limited, as in the case of terms of the U.S. president being restricted to two four-year terms, and the incumbent is prohibited from recontesting. Although the expected advantage of incumbency has gone from about two percentage points in the 1950s, to ten percentage points in the 1980s and 1990s, and then back to about two percentage points in the 2010s and 2020s, the probability that an incumbent will lose his or her seat has remained approximately the same over the entire period.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Ebanks |first1=Danny |last2=Katz |first2=Jonathan N. |last3=King |first3=Gary |date=2023 |title=If a Statistical Model Predicts That Common Events Should Occur Only Once in 10,000 Elections, Maybe it's the Wrong Model |url=https://gking.harvard.edu/10k |access-date=2023-02-14 |website=Gary King - Harvard University }}</ref>

When newcomers look to fill an open office, voters tend to compare and contrast the candidates' qualifications, positions on political issues, and personal characteristics in a relatively straightforward way. Elections featuring an incumbent, on the other hand, are, as Guy Molyneux puts it, "fundamentally a referendum on the incumbent."<ref>Guy Molyneux, "[https://prospect.org/article/big-five-oh/ The Big Five-Oh]", ''The American Prospect'', 1 October 2004.</ref> Voters will first grapple with the record of the incumbent. Only if they decide to "fire" the incumbent do they begin to evaluate whether each of the challengers is an acceptable alternative.

A 2017 study in the ''[[British Journal of Political Science]]'' argues that the incumbency advantage stems from the fact that voters evaluate the incumbent's ideology individually whereas they assume that any challenger shares his party's ideology.<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last=Peskowitz|first=Zachary|date=2017-05-01|title=Ideological Signaling and Incumbency Advantage |s2cid-access=free |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1598F3657E22CD138EAAC246432DFA72/S0007123416000557a.pdf/div-class-title-ideological-signaling-and-incumbency-advantage-div.pdf |journal=British Journal of Political Science|volume=49|issue=2|pages=467–490|doi=10.1017/S0007123416000557|s2cid=157292602|issn=0007-1234 |url-status=dead |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20190503074546/https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1598F3657E22CD138EAAC246432DFA72/S0007123416000557a.pdf/div-class-title-ideological-signaling-and-incumbency-advantage-div.pdf |archive-date= May 3, 2019 }}</ref> This means that the incumbency advantage gets more significant as [[political polarization]] increases.<ref name=":0" /> A 2017 study in the ''[[The Journal of Politics|Journal of Politics]]'' found that incumbents have "a far larger advantage" in on-cycle elections than in [[Off-year election|off-cycle elections]].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=de Benedictis-Kessner|first=Justin|date=2017-12-07|title=Off-Cycle and Out of Office: Election Timing and the Incumbency Advantage|journal=The Journal of Politics|volume=80|pages=119–132|doi=10.1086/694396|s2cid=222440248|issn=0022-3816}}</ref>

===Business usage===
In relation to business operations and [[competition]], an incumbent supplier is usually the supplier who currently supplies the needs of a customer and therefore has an advantageous position in relation to maintaining this role or agreeing a new contract in comparison with competing businesses.<ref>Chen, J., [https://www.investopedia.com/terms/i/incumbent.asp Incumbent], ''Investopedia'', updated 27 January 2021, Retrieved 20 March 2021.</ref>

===Sophomore surge===
{{Main|Sophomore surge}}

Political analysts in the United States and United Kingdom have noted the existence of a [[sophomore surge]] (not known as such in the United Kingdom) in which first term representatives see an increase in votes in their first election. This phenomenon is said to bring an advantage of up to 10% for first term representatives, which increases the incumbency advantage. However, the extent of the surge is a biased estimate of the electoral advantage of incumbency.<ref name="jstor.org"/>