Apartheid

== Institution ==
=== 1948 Election ===
{{Main|South African general election, 1948}}[[File:DFMalanPortret.jpg|thumb|upright|[[D. F. Malan]], the first apartheid-era prime minister (1948{{ndash}}1954)]]

South Africa had allowed social custom and law to govern the consideration of multiracial affairs and of the allocation, in racial terms, of access to economic, social, and political status.<ref name="zastudy">{{cite book|last=Kaplan|first=Irving|title=Area Handbook for the Republic of South Africa|pages=1–86|url=http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED056947.pdf|access-date=25 March 2016|archive-date=28 April 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150428004403/http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED056947.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref> Most white South Africans, regardless of their own differences, accepted the prevailing pattern.{{Citation needed|date=September 2020}} Nevertheless, by 1948 it remained apparent that there were gaps in the social structure, whether legislated or otherwise, concerning the rights and opportunities of nonwhites. The rapid economic development of [[World War II]] attracted black migrant workers in large numbers to chief industrial centres, where they compensated for the wartime shortage of white labour. However, this escalated rate of black urbanisation went unrecognised by the South African government, which failed to accommodate the influx with parallel expansion in housing or social services.<ref name="zastudy" /> Overcrowding, increasing crime rates, and disillusionment resulted; urban blacks came to support a new generation of leaders influenced by the principles of [[self-determination]] and popular freedoms enshrined in such statements as the [[Atlantic Charter]]. Black political organisations and leaders such as [[Alfred Xuma]], [[James Mpanza]], the [[African National Congress]], and the [[Council of Non-European Trade Unions]] began demanding political rights, land reform, and the right to unionise.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=37-38}}

Whites reacted negatively to the changes, allowing the [[Herenigde Nasionale Party]] (or simply the National Party) to convince a large segment of the [[voting bloc]] that the impotence of the United Party in curtailing the evolving position of nonwhites indicated that the organisation had fallen under the influence of Western liberals.<ref name="zastudy" /> Many [[Afrikaners]] resented what they perceived as disempowerment by an underpaid black workforce and the superior economic power and prosperity of white English speakers.<ref>P. Brits, ''Modern South Africa'': Afrikaner power, the politics of race, and resistance, 1902 to the 1970s (Pretoria, University of South Africa Press, 2007), p37</ref> Smuts, as a strong advocate of the [[United Nations]], lost domestic support when South Africa was criticised for its colour bar and the continued [[League of Nations mandate|mandate]] of [[South West Africa]] by other UN member states.<ref name="O'Meara">O'Meara, Dan. ''Forty Lost Years : The National Party and the Politics of the South African State'', 1948–1994. Athens: [[Ohio University Press]], 1996.</ref>

[[Afrikaner nationalism|Afrikaner nationalists]] proclaimed that they offered the voters a new policy to ensure continued white domination.<ref name="Meredith">M. Meredith, ''In the Name of Apartheid'', London: Hamish Hamilton, 1988, {{ISBN|978-0-06-430163-3}}</ref> This policy was initially expounded from a theory drafted by [[Hendrik Verwoerd]] and was presented to the National Party by the [[Sauer Commission]].<ref name="zastudy" /> It called for a systematic effort to organise the relations, rights, and privileges of the races as officially defined through a series of parliamentary acts and administrative decrees. Segregation had thus far been pursued only in major matters, such as separate schools, and local society rather than law had been depended upon to enforce most separation; it should now be extended to everything.<ref name="zastudy" /> The commission's goal was to completely remove blacks from areas designated for whites, including cities, with the exception of temporary migrant labour. Blacks would then be encouraged to create their own political units in land reserved for them.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=41-42}} The party gave this policy a name{{snds}}''apartheid''. Apartheid was to be the basic ideological and practical foundation of Afrikaner politics for the next quarter of a century.<ref name="Meredith" />

The National Party's election platform stressed that apartheid would preserve a market for white employment in which non-whites could not compete. On the issues of black urbanisation, the regulation of non-white labour, influx control, social security, farm tariffs and non-white taxation, the United Party's policy remained contradictory and confused.<ref name="O'Meara" /> Its traditional bases of support not only took mutually exclusive positions, but found themselves increasingly at odds with each other. Smuts' reluctance to consider [[Foreign relations of South Africa|South African foreign policy]] against the mounting tensions of the [[Cold War]] also stirred up discontent, while the nationalists promised to purge the state and public service of communist sympathisers.<ref name="O'Meara" />

First to desert the United Party were Afrikaner farmers, who wished to see a change in influx control due to problems with squatters, as well as higher prices for their maize and other produce in the face of the mineowners' demand for cheap food policies. Always identified with the affluent and capitalist, the party also failed to appeal to its working class constituents.<ref name="O'Meara" />

Populist rhetoric allowed the National Party to sweep eight constituencies in the mining and industrial centres of the [[Witwatersrand]] and five more in [[Pretoria]]. Barring the predominantly English-speaking landowner electorate of the [[Natal Province|Natal]], the United Party was defeated in almost every rural district. Its urban losses in the nation's most populous province, the [[Transvaal Province|Transvaal]], proved equally devastating.<ref name="O'Meara" /> As the [[Electoral system|voting system]] was [[Malapportionment|disproportionately weighted]] in favour of rural constituencies and the Transvaal in particular, the 1948 election catapulted the Herenigde Nasionale Party from a small minority party to a commanding position with an eight-vote parliamentary lead.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blSAApartheidFAQ.htm|publisher=about.com|title=Apartheid FAQ|access-date=25 March 2016|archive-date=13 May 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130513214652/http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blSAApartheidFAQ.htm|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="sahistory-1948election">{{cite web |url=http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governence-projects/SA-1948-1976/1948-election.htm |title=The 1948 election and the National Party Victory |access-date=13 July 2008 |publisher=South African History Online| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20080816015132/http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governence-projects/SA-1948-1976/1948-election.htm| archive-date= 16 August 2008 | url-status=live}}</ref> [[Daniel François Malan]] became the first nationalist prime minister, with the aim of implementing the apartheid philosophy and silencing liberal opposition.<ref name="zastudy" />

When the National Party came to power in 1948, there were factional differences in the party about the implementation of systemic racial segregation. The "[[baasskap]]" (white domination or supremacist) faction, which was the dominant faction in the NP, and state institutions, favoured systematic segregation, but also favoured the participation of black Africans in the economy with black labour controlled to advance the economic gains of Afrikaners. A second faction were the "purists", who believed in "vertical segregation", in which blacks and whites would be entirely separated, with blacks living in native reserves, with separate political and economic structures, which, they believed, would entail severe short-term pain, but would also lead to independence of white South Africa from black labour in the long term. A third faction, which included [[Hendrik Verwoerd]], sympathised with the purists, but allowed for the use of black labour, while implementing the purist goal of vertical separation.<ref name="Kuperus1999">{{cite book|author=T. Kuperus|title=State, Civil Society and Apartheid in South Africa: An Examination of Dutch Reformed Church-State Relations|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UzuJDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA83|date=7 April 1999|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK|isbn=978-0-230-37373-0|pages=83–|access-date=29 April 2018|archive-date=5 January 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200105163723/https://books.google.com/books?id=UzuJDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA83|url-status=live}}</ref> Verwoerd would refer to this policy as a policy of "good neighbourliness" as a means of justifying such segregation.<ref name="Indiana University Press">{{cite book |last1=Cole |first1=Catherine M. |title=Performing South Africa's Truth Commission: Stages of Transition |date=2010 |publisher=Indiana University Press |page=31 |isbn=9780253353900 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6wfjROt3sLEC |access-date=20 June 2021 |archive-date=24 June 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210624204518/https://books.google.com/books?id=6wfjROt3sLEC |url-status=live }}</ref>

=== Legislation ===
{{Apartheid legislation in South Africa}}
{{Main|Apartheid legislation}}

[[File:Zuid Afrikaanse premier dr. H. Verwoerd, Bestanddeelnr 911-1297 (cropped).jpg|thumb|upright|[[Hendrik Verwoerd]], minister of native affairs (1950{{ndash}}1958) and prime minister (1958{{ndash}}1966), earned the nickname 'Architect of Apartheid' from his large role in creating legislation.]]

NP leaders argued that South Africa did not comprise a single nation, but was made up of four distinct racial groups: white, black, Coloured and Indian. Such groups were split into 13 nations or racial federations. White people encompassed the English and [[Afrikaans]] language groups; the black populace was divided into ten such groups.

The state passed laws that paved the way for "grand apartheid", which was centred on separating races on a large scale, by compelling people to live in separate places defined by race. This strategy was in part adopted from "left-over" British rule that separated different racial groups after they took control of the [[Boer republics]] in the [[Anglo-Boer war]]. This created the black-only "[[Township (South Africa)|township]]s" or "locations", where blacks were relocated to their own towns. As the NP government's [[Minister of Bantu Administration and Development, and Bantu Education|minister of native affairs]] from 1950, Hendrik Verwoerd had a significant role in crafting such laws, which led to him being regarded as the 'Architect of Apartheid'.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Kenney |first1=Henry |title=Verwoerd: Architect of Apartheid |date=2016 |publisher=Jonathan Ball Publishers |isbn=9781868427161 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HmIcDQEACAAJ |access-date=20 June 2021 |archive-date=2 June 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210602233332/https://books.google.com/books?id=HmIcDQEACAAJ |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="Indiana University Press"/><ref>{{cite web |last=Gross |first=D. |date=14 September 2016 |title=How Should South Africa Remember the Architect of Apartheid? |publisher=Smithsonian |url=https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/how-should-south-africa-remember-architect-apartheid-180960449/ |access-date=20 June 2021 |archive-date=16 February 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210216080313/https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/how-should-south-africa-remember-architect-apartheid-180960449/ |url-status=live }}</ref> In addition, "petty apartheid" laws were passed. The principal apartheid laws were as follows.<ref name="b">Alistair Boddy-Evans. [http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsalaws.htm African History: Apartheid Legislation in South Africa] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150906053139/http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsalaws.htm |date=6 September 2015 }}, [[About.com]]. Retrieved 5 June 2007.</ref>

The first grand apartheid law was the [[Population Registration Act]] of 1950, which formalised racial classification and introduced an identity card for all persons over the age of 18, specifying their racial group.<ref>Boddy-Evans, Alistar. [http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheidlaws/g/No30of50.htm Population Registration Act No 30 of 1950] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170207084231/http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheidlaws/g/No30of50.htm |date=7 February 2017 }}. [[About.com]].</ref> Official teams or boards were established to come to a conclusion on those people whose race was unclear.<ref>Ungar, Sanford (1989). ''Africa: the people and politics of an emerging continent.'' Simon & Schuster. p. 224.</ref> This caused difficulty, especially for [[Coloureds|Coloured people]], separating their families when members were allocated different races.<ref>Goldin, Ian (1987). ''Making race: the politics and economics of Coloured identity in South Africa.'' Longman. p. xxvi.</ref>

The second pillar of grand apartheid was the [[Group Areas Act]] of 1950.<ref>Boddy-Evans, Alistar. [http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheidlaws/g/No41of50.htm Group Areas Act No 41 of 1950] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160829075120/http://africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheidlaws/g/No41of50.htm |date=29 August 2016 }}. [[About.com]].</ref> Until then, most settlements had people of different races living side by side. This Act put an end to diverse areas and determined where one lived according to race. Each race was allotted its own area, which was used in later years as a basis of forced removal.<ref>Besteman, Catherine Lowe (2008). ''Transforming Cape Town''. University of California Press. p. 6.</ref> The [[Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act, 1951|Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act]] of 1951 allowed the government to demolish black [[shanty town]] slums and forced white employers to pay for the construction of housing for those black workers who were permitted to reside in cities otherwise reserved for whites.<ref>Boddy-Evans, Alistar. [http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsalaws.htm Apartheid Legislation in South Africa] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150906053139/http://africanhistory.about.com/library/bl/blsalaws.htm |date=6 September 2015 }}. [[About.com]].</ref> The [[Native Laws Amendment Act, 1952]] centralised and tightened pass laws so that blacks could not stay in urban areas longer than 72 hours without a permit.{{Sfn|Clark|Worger|2016|p=49}}

The [[Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act]] of 1949 prohibited marriage between persons of different races, and the [[Immorality Act]] of 1950 made [[Miscegenation|sexual relations between whites and other races]] a [[criminal offence]].

Under the [[Reservation of Separate Amenities Act]] of 1953, municipal grounds could be reserved for a particular race, creating, among other things, separate beaches, buses, hospitals, schools and universities. Signboards such as "whites only" applied to public areas, even including park benches.<ref>Beck, Roger B. (2000). ''The history of South Africa.'' Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 128. {{ISBN|978-0-313-30730-0}}.</ref> Black South Africans were provided with services greatly inferior to those of whites, and, to a lesser extent, to those of Indian and Coloured people.<ref name=crdi>{{cite web|url=http://www.idrc.ca/fr/ev-91102-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html |title=The economic legacy of apartheid |publisher=Centre de recherches pour le développement international |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100426042410/http://www.idrc.ca/fr/ev-91102-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html |archive-date=26 April 2010 }}</ref>

Further laws had the aim of suppressing resistance, especially armed resistance, to apartheid. The [[Suppression of Communism Act]] of 1950 banned the [[Communist Party of South Africa]] and any party subscribing to [[Communism]]. The act defined Communism and its aims so sweepingly that anyone who opposed government policy risked being labelled as a Communist. Since the law specifically stated that Communism aimed to disrupt racial harmony, it was frequently used to gag opposition to apartheid. Disorderly gatherings were banned, as were certain organisations that were deemed threatening to the government. It also empowered the Ministry of Justice to impose [[banning order]]s.<ref name=":1">{{Harvp|Clark|Worger|2016|pages=59-64}}</ref>

After the [[Defiance Campaign]], the government used the act for the mass arrests and banning of leaders of dissent groups such as the [[African National Congress]] (ANC), the [[South African Indian Congress]] (SAIC), and the [[South African Congress of Trade Unions]] (SACTU). After the release of the Freedom Charter, 156 leaders of these groups were charged in the [[1956 Treason Trial]]. It established [[Censorship in South Africa|censorship]] of film, literature, and the media under the Customs and Excise Act 1955 and the Official Secrets Act 1956. The same year, the Native Administration Act 1956 allowed the government to banish blacks.<ref name=":1" />

The [[Bantu Authorities Act, 1951|Bantu Authorities Act of 1951]] created separate government structures for blacks and whites and was the first piece of legislation to support the government's plan of separate development in the [[bantustan]]s. The [[Bantu Education Act, 1953]] established a separate education system for blacks emphasizing [[Culture of Africa|African culture]] and [[Vocational education|vocational training]] under the Ministry of Native Affairs and defunded most [[mission school]]s.<ref>{{Harvp|Clark|Worger|2016|p=53-54}}</ref> The [[Promotion of Bantu Self-government Act, 1959|Promotion of Black Self-Government Act]] of 1959 entrenched the NP policy of nominally independent "homelands" for blacks. So-called "self–governing Bantu units" were proposed, which would have devolved administrative powers, with the promise later of [[autonomy]] and self-government. It also abolished the seats of white representatives of black South Africans and removed from the rolls the few blacks still qualified to vote. The [[Bantu Investment Corporation Act]] of 1959 set up a mechanism to transfer capital to the homelands to create employment there. Legislation of 1967 allowed the government to stop industrial development in "white" cities and redirect such development to the "homelands". The [[Black Homeland Citizenship Act]] of 1970 marked a new phase in the Bantustan strategy. It changed the status of blacks to citizens of one of the ten autonomous territories. The aim was to ensure a demographic majority of white people within South Africa by having all ten Bantustans achieve full independence.

Inter-racial contact in sport was frowned upon, but there were no segregatory sports laws.

The government tightened pass laws compelling blacks to carry identity documents, to prevent the immigration of blacks from other countries. To reside in a city, blacks had to be in employment there. Until 1956 women were for the most part excluded from these ''pass'' requirements, as attempts to introduce ''pass laws'' for women were met with fierce resistance.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.anc.org.za/un/womenrole.html |title=Extracts from paper prepared by the Secretariat for the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, Copenhagen, July 1980 (The anti-pass campaign) |access-date=14 July 2008 |publisher=[[African National Congress]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080622003552/http://www.anc.org.za/un/womenrole.html |archive-date=22 June 2008 |url-status=dead }}</ref>

=== Disenfranchisement of Coloured voters ===
{{Main|Coloured vote constitutional crisis}}
[[File:Cape-coloured-children.jpg|thumb|Cape Coloured children in [[Bonteheuwel]]]]
[[File:Annual per capita personal income by race group in South Africa relative to white levels.svg|lang=en|thumb|Annual per capita personal income by race group in South Africa] relative to white levels.]]

In 1950, D. F. Malan announced the NP's intention to create a Coloured Affairs Department.<ref>Van der Ross, R. E.; Marais, Johannes Stephanus (1986). ''The rise and decline of apartheid: a study of political movements among the Coloured people of South Africa, 1880–1985.'' Tafelberg. p. 255.</ref> [[J.G. Strijdom]], Malan's successor as Prime Minister, moved to strip voting rights from black and Coloured residents of the Cape Province. The previous government had introduced the Separate Representation of Voters Bill into Parliament in 1951, turning it to be an [[Separate Representation of Voters Act, 1951|Act]] on 18 June 1951; however, four voters, G Harris, W D Franklin, W D Collins and Edgar Deane, challenged its validity in court with support from the United Party.<ref>Davis, Dennis; Le Roux, Michelle (2009). ''Precedent & Possibility: The (Ab)use of Law in South Africa.'' Juta and Company Limited. p. 20. {{ISBN|978-1-77013-022-7}}.</ref> The Cape Supreme Court upheld the act, but reversed by the Appeal Court, finding the act invalid because a two-thirds majority in a joint sitting of both Houses of [[Parliament of South Africa|Parliament]] was needed to change the [[entrenched clause]]s of the [[Constitution of South Africa#Previous constitutions of South Africa|Constitution]].<ref>''Rielations.'' Penguin Books. p. 332.</ref> The government then introduced the High Court of Parliament Bill (1952), which gave Parliament the power to overrule decisions of the court.<ref>Hatch, John Charles (1965). ''A history of post-war Africa.'' Praeger. p. 213.</ref> The Cape Supreme Court and the Appeal Court declared this invalid too.<ref>Witz, Leslie (2003). ''Apartheid's festival: contesting South Africa's national pasts.'' Indiana University Press. p. 134.</ref>

In 1955 the Strijdom government increased the number of judges in the Appeal Court from five to 11, and appointed pro-Nationalist judges to fill the new places.<ref>Wilson, Monica Hunter; Thompson, Leonard Monteath (1969). ''The Oxford history of South Africa, Volume 2.'' Oxford University Press. p. 405.</ref> In the same year they introduced the Senate Act, which increased the Senate from 49 seats to 89.<ref>"South Africa official yearbook." (1991). South African State Department of Information. p. 18. [http://www.gcis.gov.za/resource_centre/sa_info/yearbook/index.html Current edition available here] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120306094222/http://www.gcis.gov.za/resource_centre/sa_info/yearbook/index.html |date=6 March 2012 }}</ref> Adjustments were made such that the NP controlled 77 of these seats.<ref>Muller, C. F. J. (1975). ''Five hundred years: a history of South Africa.'' Academica. p. 430.</ref> The parliament met in a joint sitting and passed the [[Separate Representation of Voters Act]] in 1956, which transferred Coloured voters from the common voters' roll in the Cape to a new Coloured voters' roll.<ref>Mountain, Alan (2003). ''The first people of the Cape: a look at their history and the impact of colonialism on the Cape's indigenous people.'' New Africa Books. p. 72.</ref> Immediately after the vote, the Senate was restored to its original size. The Senate Act was contested in the Supreme Court, but the recently enlarged Appeal Court, packed with government-supporting judges, upheld the act, and also the Act to remove Coloured voters.<ref>Du Pre, R H. (1994). ''Separate but Unequal – The 'Coloured' People of South Africa – A Political History.'' Jonathan Ball Publishers, Johannesburg. pp. 134–139.</ref>

The 1956 law allowed Coloureds to elect four people to Parliament, but a 1969 law abolished those seats and stripped Coloureds of their right to vote. Since Indians had never been allowed to vote, this resulted in whites being the sole enfranchised group.

Separate representatives for coloured voters were first elected in the [[1958 South African general election|general election of 1958]]. Even this limited representation did not last, being ended from 1970 by the [[Separate Representation of Voters Amendment Act, 1968]]. Instead, all coloured adults were given the right to vote for the [[Coloured Persons Representative Council]], which had limited legislative powers. The council was in turn dissolved in 1980. In 1984 a new constitution introduced the [[Tricameral Parliament]] in which coloured voters elected the [[House of Representatives of South Africa|House of Representatives]].

A 2016 study in ''[[The Journal of Politics]]'' suggests that disenfranchisement in South Africa had a significant negative effect on basic service delivery to the disenfranchised.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Kroth|first1=Verena|last2=Larcinese|first2=Valentino|last3=Wehner|first3=Joachim|date=19 May 2016|title=A Better Life for All? Democratization and Electrification in Post-Apartheid South Africa|journal=The Journal of Politics|volume=78|issue=3|page=000|doi=10.1086/685451|s2cid=53381097|issn=0022-3816|url=http://spire.sciencespo.fr/hdl:/2441/7s1hteu07q9uspsehhm8nsvifc/resources/wp53-larcinese.pdf|access-date=13 November 2018|archive-date=22 September 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170922025236/http://spire.sciencespo.fr/hdl:/2441/7s1hteu07q9uspsehhm8nsvifc/resources/wp53-larcinese.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref>

=== Division among whites ===
Before South Africa became a republic in 1961, politics among white South Africans was typified by the division between the mainly [[Afrikaner]] pro-republic conservative and the largely English anti-republican liberal sentiments,<ref>Muller (1975), p. 508.</ref> with the legacy of the [[Second Boer War|Boer War]] still a factor for some people. Once South Africa became a republic, Prime Minister [[Hendrik Verwoerd]] called for improved relations and greater accord between people of British descent and the Afrikaners.<ref>[[Doug Booth|Booth, Douglas]] (1998). ''The race game: sport and politics in South Africa.'' Routledge. p. 89.</ref> He claimed that the only difference was between those in favour of apartheid and those against it. The ethnic division would no longer be between Afrikaans and English speakers, but between blacks and whites.{{citation needed|date=October 2022}}

Most Afrikaners supported the notion of unanimity of white people to ensure their safety. White voters of British descent were divided. Many had opposed a republic, leading to a majority "no" vote in [[Natal Province|Natal]].<ref>Thompson, Paul Singer (1990). ''Natalians first: separatism in South Africa, 1909–1961.'' Southern Book Publishers. p. 167.</ref> Later, some of them recognised the perceived need for white unity, convinced by the growing trend of decolonisation elsewhere in Africa, which concerned them. British Prime Minister [[Harold Macmillan|Harold Macmillan's]] "[[Wind of Change (speech)|Wind of Change]]" speech left the British faction feeling that the United Kingdom had abandoned them.<ref>Joyce, Peter (2007). ''The making of a nation: South Africa's road to freedom.'' Zebra. p. 118.</ref> The more conservative English speakers supported Verwoerd;<ref>Suzman, Helen (1993). ''In no uncertain terms: a South African memoir.'' Knopf. p. 35</ref> others were troubled by the severing of ties with the UK and remained loyal to [[the Crown]].<ref>Keppel-Jones, Arthur (1975). ''South Africa: a short history.'' Hutchinson. p. 132.</ref> They were displeased by having to choose between British and South African nationalities. Although Verwoerd tried to bond these different blocs, the subsequent voting illustrated only a minor swell of support,<ref>[[Robert Lacour-Gayet|Lacour-Gayet, Robert]] (1977). ''A history of South Africa.'' Cassell. p. 311.</ref> indicating that a great many English speakers remained apathetic and that Verwoerd had not succeeded in uniting the white population.