Aminu Kano

== Political career ==

=== Pre-Independence (1950—1959) ===
{{Quote box
| quote = Nepotism, poverty in its nakedness, disease, slavery under another garb, injustice and shameless greed are as common as they had been before the abrupt advent of the 19th-century imperialism. The promotion or appointment of illiterate men, young or grey bearded, to high offices of state usually for the mere accident of birth or for the "hypocritical nearness" is not only enough to rob the people of their intelligence and initiative but also a proof to show that this organised autocracy is a replica of the native un-Islamic rule which the British imperialism premeditated not to abolish.
| source = —In Aminu's 1953 review of Dr. Walter Miller's "Have We failed in Nigeria?"{{sfn|Paden|1973|p=286}}
| width = 40%
}}
After his resignation, Aminu returned to [[Kano (city)|Kano]] and formally joined [[Northern Elements Progressive Union]] (NEPU) party.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=101}}  The stated goals of the party included the "emancipation of the talakawa" (commoners) through "reform of the present autocratic political institutions". During the second annual convention of the [[Northern People's Congress|Northern Peoples' Congress]] (NPC) in December 1950, a resolution by NEPU, drafted by Aminu, called for the NPC to be declared as an "an explicitly nationalist political party".<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=95}}  It became evident that a political party was needed for the North, to keep up with the continued democratisation of the country.<ref name=":4" />{{Rp|pages=359-360}} However, powerful emirs and "certain administrative officers" viewed the NPC as a group with dangerously radical ideas. Concerns from moderate and conservative members arose, with fears that the NPC, if viewed as radical, would struggle to be the dominant party in the North. Several NPC members threatened to withdraw from the organisation if members of NEPU were not expelled.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|pages=95-96}} According to [[Shehu Shagari]], who informed Aminu and Zungur on their way to the convention, as a member of the Sokoto Youth Social Circle wing of the NPC, he was given instructions to oppose any bid by the both of them at the convention. He further claimed that Aminu, upon hearing of this, encouraged him to "exercise the mandate I had been given" and assured him of their continued friendship and respect.<ref name=":30" />{{Rp|pages=68-69}}<ref name=":28">{{Cite book |last=Auwalu |first=Anwar |url=https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=WYurDwAAQBAJ |title=Politics as Dashed Hopes in Nigeria |date=2019-08-23 |publisher=Safari Books Ltd |isbn=978-978-55986-5-0 |language=en}}</ref>{{Rp|page=25}} Consequently, NEPU withdrew from the NPC, forming an independent political party.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=140-141}}<ref name=":28" />{{Rp|pages=25-33}} 

Aminu participated in the primary voting phase of the first parliamentary election in September 1951 for the [[Northern House of Assembly]]. His party, NEPU, secured victory with 12 out of the 26 seats allocated for Kano city, outperforming the other three parties, including Native Administration officials who collectively held six seats.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=30}}<ref name=":20" />{{Rp|page=74}} The subsequent stage involved the final [[Electoral college|colleges]], which elected candidates to the [[Parliament of Nigeria|House of Assembly]] through a [[secret ballot]]. These colleges, comprising relatively small groups, each cast several hundreds votes or less.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=29}} Despite NEPU's success in the earlier stages, Aminu was less fortunate in the final voting process, receiving 16 votes out of 68, and no NEPU member secured a position in the 1952 House of Assembly, which served as an electoral college for the [[House of Representatives (Nigeria)|House of Representatives]]. Four NEPU members, initially successful in the intermediate stage, found themselves competing against previously defeated candidates from the Native Authority during the final stage.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=30}}<ref name=":20" />{{Rp|page=74}} Because of the outcome of the elections, it was perceived that British officials and the Native Authority had devised an electoral system that favoured the Native Authority,<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=30}}<ref name=":9" /><ref name=":21">{{Cite book |last=Yahaya |first=A. D. |url=http://archive.org/details/nativeauthoritys00yaha |title=The native authority system in northern Nigeria, 1950-70 : a study in political relations with particular reference to the Zaria native authority |date=1980 |publisher=Zaria, Nigeria : Dept. of Political Science, Ahmadu Bello University |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-978-125-014-9}}</ref>{{Rp|pages=78-79}} and "a high proportion of elected members became defenders of its interests".<ref name=":21" />{{Rp|pages=78-79}} Sir Bryan Sharwood-Smith, former Governor of Northern Nigeria, 'wished' that Aminu had won the election as it "might have taken some of the bitterness out of Aminu's system" and that "[Northern Nigeria] needed all the able men it could muster, and of Aminu's ability there could be no question".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Sharwood Smith |first=Bryan |url=http://archive.org/details/recollectionsofb0000shar |title=Recollections of British administration in the Cameroons and Northern Nigeria, 1921-1957: But always as friends |date=1969 |publisher=Durham, N.C., Duke University Press |others=Internet Archive}}</ref>{{Rp|page=225}} 

[[File:Aminu Kano and Bello Ijumu (1956).jpg|thumb|Aminu and [[Bello Ijumu]] of the [[United Middle Belt Congress]] before the [[1954 Nigerian general election|1956 general elections]].|276x276px]]A mass rally of "15,000 souls [taxpayers]" by NEPU was organised in Kano to protest this outcome. The party organised mock elections to show that direct elections could be conducted in an orderly fashion. NEPU managed to raise enough funds to send Aminu to England "to plead their case before the [[British Parliament]] and the general public". With the help of [[Thomas Lionel Hodgkin|Thomas Hodgkin]] and John Collins, Aminu was able to meet members of the [[House of Lords]], [[Fabian Society|Fabian]] [[Member of Parliament (United Kingdom)|MPs]], and the [[Secretary of State (United Kingdom)|British Secretary of State]]. The Native Authority retaliated by harassing and jailing NEPU members around Kano, notably physically assaulting [[Gambo Sawaba]], the prominent women's rights activist and leader of NEPU's women's wing. The NPC, the leading political party in the North, also had 'a group of hooligans' who were colloquially known as ''Yan Mahaukata'' ('mad people').<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=155-156}} In addition to establishing the Positive Action Wing (PAW)<ref name=":4" />{{Rp|page=392}}<ref>{{Cite news |last=OFEIMUN |first=ODIA |date=3 November 2012 |title=Awolowo and the forgotten documents of the civil war, by Odia Ofeimun (2) |url=https://www.vanguardngr.com/2012/11/awolowo-and-the-forgotten-documents-of-the-civil-war-by-odia-ofeimun-2/ |work=Vanguard}}</ref> to counter these aggressions, some members of the British Parliament, such as [[Fenner Brockway]], put pressure on the colonial government to cease the repressive actions.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Commons Chamber Volume 520: debated on Wednesday 4 November 1953 |url=https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/1953-11-04/debates/ced768a1-0a2d-4c60-946d-a442a4ffa181/CommonsChamber#main-content |website=Hansard.Parliament |publisher=[[Parliament of the United Kingdom|UK Parliament]]}}</ref>  

Due to his high status within the party Aminu was well protected against the physical violence the other NEPU members suffered.<ref name=":25">{{Cite book |last=Reynolds |first=Jonathan T. |url=http://archive.org/details/timeofpoliticsza0000reyn |title=The time of politics (zamanin siyasa) : Islam and the politics of legitimacy in Northern Nigeria, 1950-1966 |date=1999 |publisher=Lanham, Md. : University Press of America |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-1-57309-272-2}}</ref>{{Rp|page=137}} However, Aminu faced numerous arrests by the Native Authority. Notably, during the federal election campaign of 1954, he was convicted twice. First, for flying NEPU's flag on his car in Kano city—an act traditionally reserved for the Emir of Kano and the British Resident. Second, for publishing articles with alleged 'seditious intent,' resulting in a three-day imprisonment for the former and a £50 fine for the latter.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=364}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=Carter |first=Gwendolen Margaret |url=http://archive.org/details/nationalunityreg0000cart |title=National unity and regionalism in eight African states: Nigeria, Niger, the Congo, Gabon, Central African Republic, Chad, Uganda [and] Ethiopia |date=1966 |publisher=Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell University Press |others=Internet Archive}}</ref>{{Rp|page=91}} In another incident, he was accused of [[Bid'ah|heresy]] by a group of ''mallamai'', led by [[Nasiru Kabara]]. The accusation centered around the belief that the wearing of ''Sawaba'' buttons by NEPU members was un-Islamic, and NEPU was alleged to be collaborating with Christians against the religious leaders of the North. Accompanied by his advisers Danladi and [[Lawan Dambazau]], Aminu appeared before the [[Kano Emirate Council|Emir's council of Kano]] to address these charges. Given the gravity of the accusations, he and the aforementioned advisers "performed the ablutions of a man facing impending death (last rites)". At the meeting, Aminu pointed out that the emir's council was not a debating society and that discussions should be held separately and later reported to the emir. This was agreed and a second meeting was scheduled. At this second meeting, Aminu said that NEPU's alliance with [[National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons]] (NCNC) was not against Islamic teachings as even Muhammad once made a defense alliance with Jews around [[Medina]]. He also said that the Emir of Kano himself had recently consulted Christian [[Igbo people|Igbo]] engineers to work on the [[Great Mosque of Kano]] in the 1950s. On the matter of the Sawaba buttons, Aminu questioned if it was also considered un-Islamic when some emirs wore the [[Order of St Michael and St George|medal of the British Order of St. George]]. A compromise was eventually reached and NEPU members were only allowed to wear party badges at mass rallies.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=149-151}} 

Aminu was elected the President-General of NEPU at the third annual convention of the party in 1953, succeeding Abba Maikwaru. A year later, the party formed an alliance with [[Nnamdi Azikiwe]]'s [[National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons]] (NCNC).<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=322}}<ref name=":21" />{{Rp|pages=146-147}} He contested in the [[1954 Nigerian general election|1954 Federal elections]] for Kano East but lost to [[Maitama Sule]].<ref name=":5" /> During the [[1956−57 Nigerian regional elections|1956 regional elections]], Aminu contested for the Kano East constituency. He lost the election to [[Ahmadu Dantata]], one of the wealthiest Nigerians and heir to the [[Alhassan Dantata|Dantata business empire]].<ref name=":4" />{{Rp|page=333}} The election, conducted on the basis of male taxpayer [[suffrage]], concluded with Dantata securing 2,119 votes against Aminu's 1,776.<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|pages=328-329}}<ref>{{Cite news |date=20 November 1956 |title=Zaben Arewa Falle Daya |url=https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP485-1-1-292 |access-date=18 January 2024 |work=[[Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo]] |pages=1 |language=ha}}</ref>

The [[1959 Nigerian general election]] marked a significant milestone as the first election featuring direct voting in every constituency. Aminu, running under the NEPU-NCNC alliance, again contested for the Kano East constituency and received 60.4% of the votes, securing a seat in the [[Federal House Of Representative|Federal House of Representatives]].<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=374}}<ref name=":20" />{{Rp|page=370}} At the House, he was appointed the position of the Deputy [[Chief Whip|Government Chief Whip]], and Chairman of the Alliance Committee on foreign affairs and is reported to have declined a ministerial appointment as he deemed it 'unseemly' to accept a position "with prestige and no power" with about 2,000 of his party followers in prison.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|page=187}}<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=374}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=Coleman |first=James Smoot |url=http://archive.org/details/politicalparties0000cole |title=Political parties and national integration in tropical Africa |date=1964 |publisher=Berkeley : University of California Press |others=Internet Archive}}</ref>{{Rp|page=630}}

=== First Republic (1960—1966) ===
{{See also|First Nigerian Republic}}
[[File:Aminu Kano and Edward W. Brice at the second annual conference of AMSAC (June 1959).png|thumb|307x307px|Aminu (L) at the second annual conference of [[American Society of African Culture]] in 1959. At the conference, he gave a lecture on "The Problem of African Education".<ref>{{Cite web |date=1959 |title=Summary report second annual conference |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/al.sff.document.low139_31_01 |access-date=2024-01-09 |website=www.jstor.org |publisher=[[American Society of African Culture]] |language=en |last1=Culture |first1=American Society of African }}</ref>|left]]
As a Parliamentarian, Aminu directed his attention toward national and international issues affecting the newly independent Nigeria, while maintaining his main objective of the emancipation of the ''talakawa''. At the House, he proposed several ways to support and speed up the country's decolonisation efforts. With regard to Nigeria's foreign policy, Aminu was a staunch advocate of [[pan-Africanism]], arguing that Nigeria should become "the base for struggle against the white domination".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Aluko |first=Olajide |url=http://archive.org/details/essaysonnigerian0000aluk |title=Essays on Nigerian foreign policy |date=1981 |publisher=London ; Boston : Allen & Unwin |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-0-04-327062-2 |pages=125}}</ref> He persistently pushed for Nigeria to increase its support for [[Internal resistance to apartheid|anti-apartheid efforts in South Africa]] and encouraged the continued involvement of Nigeria in restoring "peace and dignity in the [[Democratic Republic of the Congo|Congo]]".<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|page=188}}<ref>{{Cite journal |last= |first= |date=1960 |title=House of Representatives Debates Official Report Vol. II (Session 1960-61), 19th -23rd, 25th - 29th April, 2nd May 1960 |url=https://ir.nilds.gov.ng/handle/123456789/885 |journal=House of Representative Parliamentary Debates |language=en |publisher=[[National Institute for Legislative Studies|National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies]]}}</ref><ref name=":23">{{Cite journal |last= |first= |date=1961 |title=House of Representative Parliamentary Debates First Parliament Second Session 1961-1962, Vol. I |url=https://ir.nilds.gov.ng/handle/123456789/895 |journal=House of Representative Parliamentary Debates |language=en |publisher=[[National Institute for Legislative Studies|National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies]]}}</ref><ref name=":24">{{Cite journal |last= |first= |date=1962 |title=House of Representative Parliamentary Debates First Parliament Third Session 1962-1963, Vol. II |url=https://ir.nilds.gov.ng/handle/123456789/913 |journal=House of Representative Parliamentary Debates |language=en |publisher=[[National Institute for Legislative Studies|National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies]]}}</ref> Appointed as a [[United Nations]] (UN) delegate by the [[Prime Minister of Nigeria]], [[Abubakar Tafawa Balewa]], his former colleague from Bauchi, Aminu was less radical relative to his local activities. During his tenure at the UN, particularly on international matters, he aligned himself with "progressivism and vigilant [[Neutral country|neutralism]]." As a militant pan-Africanist, he advocated for a non-aligned position for Nigeria, believing in the cause of '[[Non-Aligned Movement|non-bloc diplomacy]]'.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=189-191}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=claude s. phillips |first=jr |url=http://archive.org/details/developmentofnig0000clau |title=the development of nigerian foreign policy |date=1964 |publisher=northwestern university press |others=Internet Archive}}</ref>{{Rp|page=|pages=29-31}}

During Aminu's tenure in the House in [[Lagos]], managing NEPU became increasingly challenging. In early 1961, [[Joseph Tarka]], leader of the [[United Middle Belt Congress]] (UMBC), proposed an alliance between NEPU and his party to form a potent coalition to challenge the NPC in the North. However, the condition was that NEPU would support UMBC's goal of creating a separate [[Middle Belt]] state. While Aminu saw potential benefits in the coalition, he declined due to UMBC's affiliation with the [[Action Group (Nigeria)|Action Group]] (AG). He interpreted the proposal as an indirect attempt by the AG to sever NCNC's ties with NEPU, their main opposition in the south. Despite opposition from some NEPU members, the UMBC proposal gained popularity, and Aminu's rejection faced criticism. NEPU's poor performance in the [[1961 Northern Region legislative election|1961 elections for the Northern House of Assembly]], where they won only one seat, added to the party's internal instability.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|page=196}}<ref name=":6" />{{Rp|page=421}}<ref name=":26">{{Cite book |last=Dudley |first=Billy J. |url=http://archive.org/details/partiespoliticsi0000dudl |title=Parties and politics in northern Nigeria |date=1968 |publisher=London : Cass |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-0-7146-1658-2}}</ref>{{Rp|page=183}}
[[File:Premier of Nigeria Sir Ahmadu Bello far right leaving the Atomic Museum Oak Ridge (7196110822).jpg|thumb|Sarkin Kano Muhammad Sanusi I (M) and Sir Ahmadu Bello (R) leaving the [[American Museum of Science and Energy|Atomic Museum]] in [[Oak Ridge, Tennessee|Oak Ridge]], [[United States]] (1960)]]
In 1963, [[Muhammadu Sanusi I|Muhammad Sanusi]] was deposed by the Northern Regional Government as Emir of Kano. Aminu suspected [[Ahmadu Bello]], the [[Premier of Northern Nigeria]] and NPC leader, of being behind the deposition. He distributed posters and propaganda drawing parallels to the historical rivalry between [[Sokoto Caliphate|Sokoto]] and [[Kano Emirate|Kano]]. Sanusi was replaced by the ageing [[Muhammad Inuwa]], who had a cordial relationship with Aminu. Sanusi's supporters formed the [[Kano People's Party]] (KPP), aiming for his return or his son Ado Sanusi's ascension. The KPP allied with NEPU, albeit without a commitment to Sanusi's restoration. NPC, in an attempt to salvage support in Kano, called for its supporters to greet the new Emir. After NEPU supporters were harassed at the gathering, they organised a larger gathering the next day with 35,000 people in attendance, where the Emir received them positively. Inuwa died the day after this gathering and Bello, in an attempt to avoid further unrest, appointed [[Ado Bayero]], Sanusi's half-brother and Nigeria's ambassador to [[Senegal]], as his replacement. Sanusi's deposition significantly impacted NEPU's support in Kano and heightened tensions between Kano and Sokoto, particularly within the [[Sufism|Sufi brotherhoods]] [[Tijaniyyah|Tijanniyya]] and [[Qadiriyya|Qadriyya]]. Although Aminu remained unaffiliated with any Sufi brotherhood, he understood their significance in Northern Nigeria and leveraged the rivalries to advance NEPU's interests. During the [[1964 Nigerian general election|1964 Federal election]] campaigns, Aminu visited Sheikh [[Ibrahim Niass]], the influential Tijanni leader, in [[Kaolack]] resulting in photos of Aminu receiving blessings from the Sheikh circulating in Northern Nigeria.<ref name=":14" />{{Rp|page=182}}<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=200-206}}<ref name=":26" />{{Rp|page=290}}<ref name=":25" />{{Rp|pages=170-183}}

==== 1964 general election ====
After UMBC ended its alliance with the Action Group, NEPU and UMBC formed the [[Northern Progressive Front]] (NPF), aiming to "breakup of the monolithic Northern Region, to give adequate voice to the larger minority groups". The KPP and other smaller groups joined the NPF, with hopes of establishing a separate, independent Kano state. As the country approached elections, all three regions experienced heightened unrest and allegations of corruption. In Kano, Aminu, as NEPU's leader, met with [[Ibrahim Musa Gashash|Ibrahim Gashash]], NPC party leader, to mitigate potential violence by agreeing on electoral conduct. Gashash agreed to persuade his party leaders to avoid bloody clashes "but all to no avail". On December 28, just two days before the election, President [[Nnamdi Azikiwe|Azikiwe]] urged Prime Minister Balewa to postpone the election for six months due to escalating unrest and requested UN monitoring. Balewa rejected the request, claiming that it was beyond his authority. The chairman of the [[Independent National Electoral Commission|Federal Electoral Commission]], without consulting other members, also dismissed it. Which led to three out of six commission members resigning. The perceived injustices and alleged corruption lead to several candidates and parties to boycott the election, resulting in 'lopsided' results. Aminu lost his Kano East constituency to the NPC candidate, [[Mahmud Dantata]], son of [[Alhassan Dantata]] and former NEPU member, with Dantata receiving 1,700 votes against Aminu's 690 out of 40,000 eligible voters.<ref name=":14" />{{Rp|page=312}}<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=207-211}}
[[File:Aminu Kano addresses his constituents.png|left|thumb|A political rally of Aminu during the 1960s]]
Following the election, Aminu and the central working committee of NEPU organised a convention to restrategise. A "White Paper on Political Problems Facing Nigeria" was written to be presented, which evaluated NEPU's role and proposed organisational adjustments. This convention marked the largest in the party's history, with delegates from hundreds of branches across the North in attendance. Among the topics discussed included the possibility of the unification of all opposition political parties in the North, the formation of an "all-encompassing national party", the creation of new states, establishing a scholarship aid. The convention also led to the inception of the [[Kano State Movement]] (KSM), comprising NEPU, KPP, and some dissident NPC members. On April 14, 1965, a mass gathering was held to inaugurate the KSM, drawing one of the largest crowds in Northern Nigerian political history. Ahmadu Trader, Aminu's long-time friend, was appointed its first president and Aminu its political adviser.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=213-215}} The KSM's primary goal was the formation of a separate Kano state.<ref name=":14" />{{Rp|page=271}}

In 1965, Prime Minister Balewa appointed Aminu as a UN delegate. Aminu represented Nigeria at the 1965 [[United Nations Conference on Trade and Development]]. Upon his return from UN duties, on 6 January 1966, Aminu traveled from Lagos to Kano to attend a NEPU conference, where discussions on ways to restrategise continued. Upon his arrival in Kano, Aminu was informed through [[Abubakar Gumi]], the Grand Khadi ([[Chief justice|Chief Justice]]) of the [[Northern Region, Nigeria|Northern Region]] and Aminu's former colleague in Maru, about a secret meeting arranged by [[Ahmadu Bello]], who was then in [[Mecca]]. The meeting was to be between the three of them and was scheduled for 16 January 1966. However, just before the meeting could take place, Bello was assassinated on 15 January. While Bello's intentions for the meeting remain unclear due to his untimely demise, Gumi's opinion was that he might have been reconsidering the level of repression in the North and sought to negotiate an electoral agreement for the upcoming Northern Regional Assembly elections.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|page=219}}

=== Military rule (1966—1979) ===
Between 14 and 15 January 1966, rebel soldiers of the [[Nigerian Army]] led by [[Kaduna Nzeogwu]] and four others [[1966 Nigerian coup d'état|assassinated several influential Nigerians]] including Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Prime Minister of Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello, [[Sardauna of Sokoto]] and [[Premier of Northern Nigeria]], and Chief [[Ladoke Akintola]], Premier of [[Western State (Nigeria)|Western Nigeria]]. This coup attempt instigated an anti-coup movement within the army, led by the [[Chief of Army Staff (Nigeria)|General Officer Commanding]], [[Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi]], which managed to thwart the coup. Following the failed coup, on 16 January, Aguiyi-Ironsi assumed the position of [[List of heads of state of Nigeria|Head of State]], leading Nigeria's first [[Military dictatorship in Nigeria|Military Government]].<ref name=":29">{{Cite book |last=Siollun |first=Max |url=http://archive.org/details/oilpoliticsviole0000siol |title=Oil, politics and violence : Nigeria's military coup culture (1966-1976) |date=2009 |publisher=New York : Algora Pub. |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-0-87586-708-3 |author-link=Max Siollun}}</ref>{{Rp|page=63}}

==== Ironsi's regime ====
{{See also|1966 Nigerian coup d'état|}}
Despite the optimism among his fellow NEPU members, who believed they could fill the political vacuum left by the coup, Aminu approached the Ironsi regime cautiously. Representing his party, he sent a 'cautiously worded' telegram to the government, avoiding swearing allegiance but expressing hope that the Ironsi regime would unite the nation and advance democratisation. Ironsi quickly became unpopular in the North and West regions due to his disregard for the political class of these regions, favouring the emirs and chiefs instead . The only influential political figures in the new administration were the former Governors, now serving as advisers to the military governors. The new situation in the North began to resemble the old indirect rule of the British colonialists, which further increased the animosity against the regime, especially within the radical circles. Three months into his rule, Aminu was holding talks with Joseph Tarka and Maitama Sule regarding what they considered "a common threat to Nigeria".<ref name=":14" />{{Rp|pages=332-333}}<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|pages=380-381}} Around the time of this meeting, Ironsi eventually agreed to set up a meeting with Aminu. Aminu outlined the challenges facing the North and proposed solutions. Ironsi, however, seemed to be unintrested, hence, Aminu's efforts were "to no avail". Subsequently, Aminu relied on the relatively conservative Ado Bayero, the Emir of Kano, to convey his radical ideas to the Supreme Commander.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=222-223}}

In May, Ironsi issued the controversial "Unification Decree" which abolished the regions of Nigeria and replaced with "groups of provinces". Additionally, the Decree unified the previously regionalised civil services. He further abolished all political parties and cultural associations in an attempt to attack 'tribalism'. The announcement of the Decree heightened tensions in the North, where the majority of the elite groups felt increasingly alienated from the government in Lagos. They felt that the Decree was not adequately discussed with them and contained conditions "unfavourable to them".<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=647}} In Kano, around two hundred students, mostly from [[Bayero University Kano|Abdullahi Bayero College]], [[Rumfa College, Kano|Rumfa College]], and the School for Arabic Studies, organised a protest and presented the Emir of Kano a written statement to deliver to the Military Governor of the Northern Region, [[Hassan Katsina]]. The following day, riots broke out in the city, with the rioters targeting Igbo traders, resulting in the deaths of around 100 to 200 persons, primarily Igbos but also including others caught in the disturbances. A tribunal was established to investigate the riots, with its head being [[Lionel Brett|Sir Lionel Brett]], a British judge of the [[Supreme Court of Nigeria|Nigerian Supreme Court]]. Sir Brett's tribunal never passed its judgement as Ironsi's regime ended after he was killed on 29 July 1966.<ref name=":29" />{{Rp|pages=75-79}}<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=|pages=134, 382-383}}

In July, Ironsi organised a conference with the country's most influential emirs and chiefs in [[Ibadan]]. During the conference, he instructed them on singing the national anthem and expressed his intention to post them roles around Nigeria similar to the military governors, a suggestion that was so controversial, Sarkin Kano Ado Bayero walked out of the conference. On 29 July 1966, a [[1966 Nigerian counter-coup|counter-coup]] led mostly by officers from the North was launched, resulting in Ironsi's assassination in Ibadan.<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=385}} On 1 August 1966, Lt-Colonel [[Yakubu Gowon]] was appointed Head of State after being requested by the [[Supreme Military Council of Nigeria (1966–1979)|Supreme Military Council]] (SMC) to assume command.<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=52}}

==== Gowon's regime (1966—1975) ====
{{See also|1966 Nigerian counter-coup}}
[[File:Nigerian Public Domain 137.jpg|thumb|General Yakubu Gowon]]
The appointment of Gowon, a Christian northerner from a minority ethnic group, as Head of State was a move by the SMC to dissuade the Northern coupists, led by Lt-Colonel [[Murtala Muhammed]], from seceding from the republic. Gowon promptly released most of the political prisoners detained during Ironsi's regime, including [[Obafemi Awolowo]], the influential [[Yoruba people|Yoruba]] politician from the Western region. He also revoked the controversial Unification Decree and reinstated the previously abolished four regions. Additionally, Gowon organised a conference of regional representatives to devise new constitutional principles, known as the Ad Hoc constitutional committee. Aminu and Joseph Tarka were among the Northern region's representatives at the conference. All delegates at the conference, except the [[Eastern Region, Nigeria|Easterners]], supported the idea of a strong federal government based on small states.<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=52}}

Immediately after the announcement of Gowon's appointment, Aminu helped organise discussions with the North's "leaders of thought" in Kaduna, comprising civil servants and First Republic politicians. The discussions revolved around the direction of the new government, with discussion papers drafted and presented for consideration, modification, or rejection by the group. Prior to the convening of Gowon's ad hoc committee, the discussion group discussed the topic of new states and Aminu was chosen to head the subcommittee. Aminu represented the Kaduna group at the Ad Hoc Conference in Lagos, presenting their recommendation for the creation of 12 to 14 states, with 7 for the North and 5 for the South. However, the Conference ultimately divided the states evenly, with 6 for both North and South. In the initial two months of Gowon's administration, Aminu held three separate meetings with him. The first involved a ten-man delegation from the North, the second as a member of the Ad Hoc Committee, the third meeting involved Aminu as part of a five-man committee of Northerners, led by Sir [[Kashim Ibrahim]], a former NPC politician and the last civilian [[Governor of Northern Nigeria]], convened by Gowon to convince them on the necessity for a strong [[Federation|federal government]] and national unity.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=237-241}}

With the North now in support of a strong federal government, following Gowon's successful persuasion of Ibrahim's delegation, and the West also in support after Chief Awolowo eventually "came around" to the idea, only the Eastern region remained in opposition. The Igbo dominated East harbored distrust toward the military led government, likely due to the "[[pogrom]]-like" violence they endured shortly after the July coup, carried out by rogue soldiers seeking revenge for the January coup. In his diary entry on 4 October 1966, Aminu noted "Account of army mutiny most disheartening. Speed and action required. East on way to secession." In an attempt to hasten the return to civilian government, Aminu approached the leaders of the Ad Hoc Committee, Awolowo (West), Kashim Ibrahim (North), [[Anthony Enahoro]] ([[Mid-Western Region, Nigeria|Mid-West]]) and 'Eni' (East), to initiate talks on establishing an [[Provisional government|interim government]]. However, his efforts were interuppted by the [[1966 anti-Igbo pogrom|eruption of violence in the North]].<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=240-241}}<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|pages=52-53}}

{{Multiple image
| direction         = vertical
| image1            = Nigeria 1963-1967.png
| image2            = Nigeria states-1967-1976.png
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| total_width       = 270
| footer            = The four [[States of Nigeria|regions of Nigeria]] (top) replaced by twelve states (bottom) in 1967 by the Gowon administration.
}}

Among the three major instances of large outbreak of violence in 1966, the one in [[1966 anti-Igbo pogrom|October]] was "by far the most massive in terms of deaths".<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=131}} The violence was carried out by Northern soldiers and local thugs, notably the ''yan daba'' in Kano. As a result, many Igbos residing in the North fled to the East in search of safety. After enduring another massacre, the Eastern region refused to return to the Ad Hoc conferences.<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|pages=52-56}}<ref name=":29" />{{Rp|pages=134–138}} By the end of the violence, "all Ibos had fled the North, and Hausas the East". The mass flight of about a million Easterners brought the economy of the North to a near standstill. The sudden departure of clerks, technicians, traders, and civil servants severely impacted the region's economy, with services only able to recover to about 40% of pre-coup levels six weeks later. To help solve this issue, Aminu established the Kano Community Commercial School (now known as Aminu Kano Community Commercial College). Hassan Katsina, Military-Governor of the North, agreed to help hasten the project, and Maitama Sule offered his home as the school's first location. Among the other people who supported the project were Sarkin Kano Ado Bayero, [[Aminu Dantata]], Sani Gezawa, Inuwa Wada, and [[Tanko Yakasai]]. Aminu personally donated 250 pounds to the project, with total contributions amounting to approximately 4,000 pounds. Aminu served as the chairman of the school until his passing in 1983. One of the school's most notable alumni is [[Aliko Dangote]], the [[List of Africans by net worth|richest African]].<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://buk.edu.ng/sites/default/files/pdf/ushd.pdf |title=BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO NIGERIA: Student Handbook |isbn=9788203019 |pages=126}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=22 January 2024 |editor-last=LAFRANCO |editor-first=ROB |editor2-last=TOGNINI |editor2-first=GIACOMO |title=Africa's Billionaires 2024 |url=https://www.forbes.com/lists/africa-billionaires/ |access-date=2024-02-10 |website=[[Forbes]] |language=en}}</ref>

In early January 1967, the Supreme Military Council (SMC) held a meeting in [[Aburi|Aburi, Ghana]], which historian [[Max Siollun]] described as "a historic constitutional debate that would determine Nigeria's future social and political structure".<ref name=":29" />{{Rp|page=153}} The most active participant in the meeting was Lt-Colonel [[Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu|C. Odumegwu-Ojukwu]], the Military-Governor of the East, who put forth several suggestions. Among these suggestions, the most crucial ones were that regions must approve any decisions affecting them in the future, and all existing decrees contrary to this principle must be repealed. These suggestions, essentially advocating for regional autonomy, received unanimous agreement among all parties of the SMC. However, upon Gowon's return to Lagos, "his civil servants were aghast at the depth of his concessions to Ojukwu". Consequently, the [[Aburi Accord|Aburi Accords]] were never implemented, leading to the worsening of the relationship between the Eastern Region and the Federal Government.<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|pages=56-57}}<ref name=":29" />{{Rp|pages=151-159}} While this was ongoing, Aminu; Joseph Tarka, UMBC leader; [[Aliyu Makama|Aliyu Makaman Bida]], the most senior surviving NPC politician; and [[Umaru Dikko]], as their secretary, were touring the North to inform the populace on current events and, most importantly, to discourage talks of seceding from the Federation. The tour included holding public discussions and meeting with the influential emirs and chiefs of the region.<ref name=":30" />{{Rp|page=136}} Not long after the tour, Aminu lost his cousin [[Isa Wali]] in February and his father in May.<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=246-250}}<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=458}}

On 27 May 1967, Gowon announced the division of Nigeria into twelve states. A move that was widely celebrated by the minority [[Demographics of Nigeria|ethnic groups of the abolished four regions]].<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=390}}<ref>{{Cite web |title=The Wikipedia Library |url=https://wikipedialibrary.wmflabs.org/ |access-date=2024-02-16 |website=wikipedialibrary.wmflabs.org |language=en |doi=10.1086/ahr/79.4.1229}}</ref> A [[Federal Executive Council (Nigeria)|Federal Executive Council]] (FEC) was formed to serve under the Supreme Military Council. The FEC included appointed civilian representatives from each state and was to serve as the administrative arm of the government. Aminu was appointed as [[Kano State]]'s representative and was given the position of the [[Federal Ministries of Nigeria|Federal Commissioner of Communications.]]<ref name=":1" />{{Rp|pages=253-254}}

===== Civil war (1967—1970) =====
{{Main article|Nigerian Civil War}}
Three days following the division of the regions, Ojukwu declared the independence of the Eastern Region, which was to be known as the [[Biafra|Republic of Biafra]].<ref name=":27" />{{Rp|page=390}} After the government's failed attempts at a "police action", the Military-Government responded with land and sea blockades. Afterwards, the Biafran army invaded and seized control of the [[Mid-Western Region, Nigeria|Mid-Western State]] (Bendel), leading to a declaration of war by Gowon.<ref name=":29" />{{Rp|page=162}}

Throughout the war, Aminu remained active as a member of the FEC. He led the procurement committee tasked with acquiring arms, which involved extensive travel around the world, including [[Europe]], the [[United States]], the [[Soviet Union]], and [[North Africa]], to negotiate arms deals.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Moses |first=A. Dirk |url=https://books.google.com.ng/books?id=Vk0rDwAAQBAJ |title=Postcolonial Conflict and the Question of Genocide: The Nigeria-Biafra War, 1967–1970 |last2=Heerten |first2=Lasse |date=2017-07-06 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |isbn=978-1-351-85866-3 |pages=184 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=O-dHAAAAIBAJ |title=Soviet Moving In With Aid To Rich, Populous Nigeria |date=23 March 1970 |publisher=The Morning Record |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last= |url=http://archive.org/details/intelligencer-november-1968 |title=Intelligencer November 1968 |date=November 1968 |pages=10}}</ref><ref name=":31" /> In May 1968, Aminu participated in peace talks between Nigeria and Biafra held in [[Kampala|Kampala, Uganda]], one year into the civil war. [[Chinua Achebe]], the influential Nigerian writer, also attended the talks as part of the Biafran delegation. This meeting was the first time Achebe met Aminu, and he recalled:<blockquote>I remember very well seeing Aminu Kano of the Nigerian delegation sitting in front and looking so distressed. This is one of the strongest impressions the man made on me, compared to people like Chief [[Anthony Enahoro|Enahoro]] who was the leader of the delegation swaggering as conquerors, and even [[Ukpabi Asika|Asika]]. Aminu Kano seemed to be so different; in fact, he seemed to be looking out of the window. While his colleagues were speaking arrogantly and bent on our surrender, Aminu Kano was calm and in pain.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Ezenwa-Ohaeto |first= |url=http://archive.org/details/chinuaachebebiog0000ezen |title=Chinua Achebe : A Biography |date=1997 |publisher=Bloomington : Indiana University Press |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-0-253-33342-1 |author-link=Ezenwa-Ohaeto}}</ref>{{Rp|page=138}}

This was a man who was not pleased with either side or how the matter was being handled. That meeting made an indelible mark on me about Aminu Kano, about his character and his intellect.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Achebe |first=Chinua |url=http://archive.org/details/there-was-a-country-a-personal-history-of-biafra_202011 |title=There Was A Country A Personal History Of Biafra |pages=162 |author-link=Chinua Achebe}}</ref></blockquote>Aminu approached the war not as a conflict against the Igbo people or the former Eastern Region, but as a war against secession. During a speech to students at Kano's [[Bayero University Kano|Abdullahi Bayero College]] in February 1970, he urged Nigerians, and the government, to properly prepare for the return of Biafrans. Aminu stressed:<blockquote>There is the problem of reintegration of the Ibos. They left a large part of this country, and a lot of what they left has been taken over by the indigenes of the place. What are they to do? This is important since we are fighting them to stay in Nigeria. We are saying, "You can't go away. You must remain Nigerian." When they come back, can you deny them the right to own plots or land? You can't do that. How can the common Ibo take that? They said, "We want to go away." We said, "No, you must remain in Nigeria." They will say, "Now we are back." What do we do? These are problems that must be faced. It is not a simple problem. It is not enough to say the houses in Sabon Gari, the houses in Tudun Wada, the houses in Kaduna are being taken care of. Will they come back? With their industry? With a bigger desire to stay in Nigeria? A lot of our sons and daughters went and died in the name of unity to contain the Ibos in Nigeria. Can you afford to ostracize them now? You can't. What are you going to do? What is your program? You must begin to plan from now. It is not enough ot say, "Oh yes, they are coming back."<ref name=":14" />{{Rp|page=356}}</blockquote>

===== Reforms in Kano State =====
In the newly created [[Kano State]], there were two figures of national authority during the Gowon Administration. They were [[Audu Bako]], the [[Governor of Kano State|Military-Governor of Kano State]], and Aminu, as civilian commissioner and a member of the FEC.<ref name=":14" />{{Rp|page=339}} 

Extensive reforms were carried out in the State, particularly on the Emirate level. The former alkali courts were replaced with area courts, and the emir's court was disbanded. The federal and emirate police forces were merged and put under the control of the commissioner of police, apointed by the federal government. The districts of the Emirate were grouped into 8 administrative areas, each with an appointed district officer who is responsible to the secretary of the military governor. The Native Authority was replaced with the Local Government Authority (LGA), which mainly consists of the [[Kano Emirate Council|Emirate Council]] and the General Purposes Committee. The Emirate Council consists of 40 members with the emir as chairman. About two-thirds of the council members are representatives of districts and were chosen by election. The entire council was initially appointed by the military governor.<ref name=":14" />{{Rp|pages=341-351}}

Despite the reduction of the emir's powers in Kano, particularly in the judicial field, he still held considerable influence at the LGA level. He retained the authority to appoint all district heads and could exert influence on executive and legislative matters across all levels. Bako outlined his three elements of policy regarding the reforms: to preserve the best elements of traditional emirate government in Kano, to bring those in authority closer to the people through representation; and to deal harshly with those who obstruct constituted authority. Although Aminu did not publicly address these reforms, he was widely identified as one of the leading reformers. Many of his earlier views on the decentralisation of emirate authority could be seen in the new structures of Kano State, and his ideas on removing land and judicial powers from the emir were well known.<ref name=":14" />{{Rp|pages=341-351}}<ref name=":31" />

==== Muhammad's regime (1975—1976) and Obasanjo's regime (1976—1979) ====
{{Multiimage
| image1            = Nigerian Public Domain 131.jpg
| image2            = Olusegun Obasanjo and Jimmy Carter-03.jpg
| caption1          = General Murtala Muhammad
| caption2          = General Olusegun Obasanjo with US President [[Jimmy Carter]] in 1977
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{{Main articles|Murtala Muhammed|Olusegun Obasanjo}}
After the conclusion of the civil war, he assumed the position of Federal Commissioner of Health in 1971. In 1975, [[1975 Nigerian coup d'état|a coup d'état against Gowon]] was launched while Gowon was representing Nigeria at the 12th [[Organisation of African Unity|summit of the Organisation of African Unity]] in Kampala. Murtala Muhammad was announced as Head of State by the coupists on 30 July 1975.<ref name=":29" />{{Rp|pages=175-183}} Muhammad was assassinated in a failed coup a year later, and he was succeeded by his deputy, [[Olusegun Obasanjo]].<ref name=":29" />{{Rp|page=193}}

Before his death, Muhammad established a Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) tasked with formulating a new constitution in preparation for the transition to civilian rule. In August 1976, Obasanjo announced the formation of a [[Constituent assembly|Constituent Assembly]] which was to deliberate upon the draft constitution the CDC had prepared. Elections for the Constituent Assembly were conducted, and candidates were chosen by the newly constituted [[Federal Electoral Commission]] (FEDECO). Aminu was nominated and successfully elected.<ref name=":31" /> The Assembly held sessions between October 1977 and June 1978. The Assembly's draft constitution was submitted to the Supreme Military Council in August. Following the SMC's approval of 17 amendments to the draft, the new constitution was announced in September 1978.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Koehn |first=Peter |date=1989 |title=Competitive Transition to Civilian Rule: Nigeria's First and Second Experiments |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/161100 |journal=The Journal of Modern African Studies |volume=27 |issue=3 |pages=401–430 |issn=0022-278X}}</ref> The "ban on politics" was also lifted on the same day and Nigerians were encouraged to form political parties in preparation of an election the following year.<ref name=":32">{{Cite book |last=Oyediran |first=Oyeleye |author-link=Oyeleye Oyediran |url=http://archive.org/details/nigerian1979elec00oyed |title=The Nigerian 1979 elections |date=1981 |publisher=Illupeju, Lagos [Nigeria] : Macmillan Nigeria |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-0-333-31786-0}}</ref>{{Rp|page=16}}

=== Second republic (1979—1983) ===
After General Muhammad announced the plan to return to civilian rule by 1979, Aminu reaching out to his contacts to form a political association. He also maintained relationships with student organisations nationwide.<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|page=50}} Aminu later joined a political association called the National Movement which was made up of influential figures, primarily from the North. The association was a direct successor to the Kaduna discussion group formed just after the 1966 counter-coup that ended the First Republic. The group held secret meetings throughout this period and eventually invited influential political figures in the South in an effort to "form a truly national party". After the ban on politics was lifted in September 1978, its successor, the [[National Party of Nigeria]] (NPN), was launched.<ref name=":30" />{{Rp|page=|pages=206-207}}<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|pages=57-58}}

==== Formation of PRP ====
A day before the launch of NPN however, Aminu left the association to form and was holding a meeting in Yaba, Lagos. The NPN quickly sent Joseph Tarka and [[Inuwa Wada]] (who was his cousin) to persuade him to return. Aminu agreed to send five aides to the launch while he continued his meeting and was never to return to the NPN.<ref name=":30" />{{Rp|page=207}}

The precise reasons behind Aminu's departure from the NPN remain unknown, however, there are various differing theories. According to Shehu Shagari, an early member of the NPN and later the party's sole presidential candidate, a pre-inaugural meeting concluded that certain coordinating committee members should assume specific interim posts. Aminu was nominated for the position of publicity secretary by Chief [[Augustus Akinloye|Adisa Akinloye]]. However, he promptly proposed [[Tanko Yakasai]] instead, a former NEPU member whom he felt was a better person for the postion as he had the relevant experience. It has been suggested by the NPN that Akinloye's suggestion lead to Aminu's resignation as it was considered "insulting to his national status". Shagari described this interpretation as "a plausible but erroneously derived deduction".<ref name=":30" />{{Rp|page=207}} The PRP later claimed that this interpretation was false as the position could have provided Aminu with "a good platform for image building".<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|pages=58-59}}

A different perspective on the incident emerged from Aminu's political associates, particularly from Kano, such as Lawan Dambazau, Lili Gabari, Dauda Dangalan, and [[Sabo Bakin Zuwo]]. According to them, upon learning of Aminu's refusal to return to the NPN, [[Aminu Dantata]] hurried to Kano and convened a meeting at his residence with various influential figures, including businessmen, politicians, public servants, and professionals from Kano. The purpose of this gathering was to explore ways to persuade Aminu to reconcile with the NPN. Several attendees took turns addressing the issue and appealing to him to reunite with the party. Dr. Ibrahim Datti Ahmed, former President-General of the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria, was eventually given the opportunity to speak, and according to Dambazau, "castigated Mallam Aminu as an enemy of the north; an enemy of traditional institutions; an enemy of Islam; and as such, they could not cohabit with him in the NPN". Dambazau noted that nobody defended Aminu nor attempted to restrain Datti during his speech. Following Datti's remarks, Aminu defended himself, and the meeting descended into chaos, leading to its postponement until the next day.<ref name=":28" />{{Rp|pages=59-60}}

Aminu fell sick before the next meeting, and was bedridden for days. During his illness, Aminu's supporters from different parts of the country, including [[Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa|Balarabe Musa]] (from Kaduna), A.D. Yahya, Ananobi (from [[Port Harcourt]]), B.K. Benson (from Lagos), and Dandatti Abdulkadir, Dahiru Liman, and Dambazau (all from Kano), convened in Kano to discuss with him on the next steps to follow.<ref name=":28" />{{Rp|pages=60-62}}

Aminu's supporters organised a large gathering, later named ''Taron Rami'', meaning "meeting of the ditch." Attendees of this gathering concluded that Aminu had been insulted and disrespected by the NPN and its members, leading to the decision that he should establish his own political party. Speakers at the event included Dambazau, Usman Nagado, and [[Abubakar Rimi]]. Despite being ill and bedridden, Aminu dispatched delegates across the nation to engage with his supporters and allies to deliberate on the next course of action. Following positive responses, he formed a committee to lay the groundwork for the party. The [[People's Redemption Party]] (PRP) was inaugurated in Kaduna on 21 October 1978, attracting radical trade unionists, artisans, the peasantry, progressive lecturers, journalists, authors, and former NEPU members among its ranks. Notable early members of the party included influential figures nationwide, such as [[S.G. Ikoku|Sam Ikoku]], [[Abubakar Rimi]], [[Chinua Achebe]], [[Wole Soyinka]], [[Bala Usman|Yusufu Bala Usman]], [[Umaru Musa Yar'Adua]], [[Sule Lamido]], [[Ghali Umar Na'Abba]], [[Sabo Bakin Zuwo]], [[Michael Imoudu]], and [[Edward Ikem Okeke]]. The launch in October reportedly drew an "unbelievable number of people from all walks of life."<ref name=":28" />{{Rp|pages=62-65}}<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|pages=56-58}}

==== 1979 Nigerian election ====
{{Main articles|1979 Nigerian presidential election}}
Elections were held between 7 July and 11 August in 1979. Only five parties were allowed to contest in these elections, apart from the NPN and PRP, the other three were Awolowo led [[Unity Party of Nigeria]] (UPN), Azikiwe led [[Nigerian People's Party]] (NPP), and the [[Great Nigeria People's Party]] (GNPP), led by [[Waziri Ibrahim]], a former NPC politician. The election was the first held in 15 years and the first in Northern Nigeria that allowed women to participate.

Aminu was chosen as PRP's presidential candidate, however, he was refused clearance by [[FEDECO]] to contest due to tax irregularities, and was required to submit "more convincing evidence". Aminu denied liability for any tax other than the flat rate of tax imposed on all Nigerians irrespective of income. He was eventually cleared after a court declaration was released supporting Aminu's claim of not missing any tax payment.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Ojo |first=Olatunde J. B. |date=1981 |title=The Impact of Personality and Ethnicity on the Nigerian Elections of 1979 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4185981 |journal=Africa Today |volume=28 |issue=1 |pages=47–58 |issn=0001-9887}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Panter-Brick |first=Keith |date=1979 |title=Nigeria: The 1979 Elections |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/40173962 |journal=Africa Spectrum |volume=14 |issue=3 |pages=317–335 |issn=0002-0397}}</ref>
[[File:Map of the 1979 Nigerian presidential election.svg|thumb|Results of the 1979 Nigerian presidential election]]
It became increasingly apparent that the NPN was "on its way to power" as the elections progressed. After the party experienced widespread success during the [[1979 Nigerian parliamentary election|National Assembly election]], the participating parties began proposing and forming alliances. On July 28, three out of the five parties — namely UPN, NPP, and GNPP — met in Lagos to form an alliance against the NPN. The PRP was invited to join this alliance but did not respond.<ref>{{Cite web |date=28 July 1979 |title=NIGERIA: LEADERS OF NIGERIAN PARTIES MEET TO NEGOTIATE ALLIANCE TO OPPOSE THE NPN. |url=https://reuters.screenocean.com/record/238002 |access-date=2024-03-01 |website=Reuters Archive Licensing |language=en |type=Video}}</ref> A similar arrangement was proposed to the PRP by the NPN through Shehu Shagari, NPN's presidential candidate. In his autobiography, he claimed to have made this proposal while Aminu was still trying to get FEDECO to clear him. He tried to convince Aminu to withdraw from the presidential race "since we both knew his chances to be bleak". In return, the PRP could focus more on other elections and "participate in an NPN federal government". According to Shagari, Aminu agreed but on two conditions: he would consult his party members and seek approval, and also challenge FEDECO's decision in court in order to "defend his good name". Aminu was cleared on 1 August 1979, hours before the deadline for presidential nominations. He flew from Kano to Lagos on the same day to file his nomination papers with FEDECO. This led Shagari to conclude that the PRP did not endorse their agreement.<ref name=":30" />{{Rp|page=225}}<ref>{{Cite web |date=2015-01-22 |title=How Aminu Kano fought tax certificate saga |url=https://dailytrust.com/how-aminu-kano-fought-tax-certificate-saga/ |access-date=2024-03-01 |website=Daily Trust |language=en-GB}}</ref><ref name=":33">{{Cite book |last=Mwakikagile |first=Godfrey |url=https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=gqTjUjdvTQwC |title=Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria |date=2001 |publisher=Nova Publishers |isbn=978-1-56072-967-9 |language=en}}</ref>{{Rp|page=90}}

The presidential election held on 11 August saw Aminu winning only in his home state of Kano, where he garnered 76% of the votes. Nationwide, he received 1,732,113 votes, amounting to 10% of the total votes cast.<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|page=187}} The PRP framed the election as a [[class struggle]] in Kano and conducted an extensive propaganda campaign to promote this narrative, contributing to the party's significant success in the state.<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|page=110}}<ref name=":33" /><ref>{{Cite book |last=Bienen |first=Henry |url=http://archive.org/details/politicalconflic0000bien |title=Political conflict and economic change in Nigeria |date=1985 |publisher=London, England ; Totowa, N.J. : F. Cass |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-1-135-17409-5}}</ref>{{Rp|page=83}} Additionally, the PRP secured victories in two gubernatorial elections: [[Abubakar Rimi]] in [[1979 Kano State gubernatorial election|Kano]] (with 79% of the votes) and [[Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa|Balarabe Musa]] in [[1979 Kaduna State gubernatorial election|Kaduna]] (with 45% of the votes). According to Shagari, Aminu was a skillful campaigner and "genuinely cared about people and empathized with them pretty well" but failed to be more successful nationwide because "his PRP lacked the large organizational base and resources necessary for an effective nationwide campaign".<ref name=":30" />{{Rp|page=223}}

On 16 August, FEDECO announced the results of the presidential election. Shagari was declared the winner with 5,688,857 votes nationwide.<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|page=139}}

===== Reactions =====
FEDECO's announcement was controversial, with Azikiwe, representing the four unsuccessful parties, rejecting "in its entirety and without any reservation the declaration of Alhaji Shehu Shagari as president-elect".<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|page=145}}<ref>{{Cite web |title=NIGERIA: UNSUCCESSFUL CANDIDATES OPPOSE DECLARATION OF NEW PRESIDENT BY ELECTORAL COMMISSION. |url=https://reuters.screenocean.com/record/1053477 |access-date=2024-03-01 |website=Reuters Archive Licensing |language=en |type=video}}</ref>  Awolowo appealed to the [[Supreme Court of Nigeria|Supreme Court]], which dismissed the appeal.<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|page=148}} 

After the declaration of Shagari as president-elect, the alliance between the opposing parties, which now included PRP, stregnthened, leading the ruling NPN to search for its own alliance. They approached the other four parties to initiate talks, which the PRP was the first to accept, according to Shagari. However, it was Azikiwe's NPP that ended up reaching an 'accord' with the ruling party. The terms of the accord were finalized by representatives of the two parties on August 22, two days after Azikiwe's address rejecting Shagari's declaration. Meetings regarding the terms of the accord began on August 20, the same day as the speech. According to historian [[Oyeleye Oyediran]], one of the agreements made during the meetings concerned Aminu, outlining that "special arrangements were to be made for Alhaji Aminu Kano, leader of the PRP, were his party to join the alliance."<ref name=":32" />{{Rp|pages=156-158}}

Over a year into Shagari's administration, the NPN-NPP accord broke down despite the allocation of key leadership positions to NPP members by the ruling party. The accord formally ended on 6 July 1981, after a joint agreement from the two parties.<ref name=":34">{{Cite journal |last=Diamond |first=Larry |author-link=Larry Diamond |date=1982 |title=Cleavage, Conflict, and Anxiety in the Second Nigerian Republic |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/160342 |journal=The Journal of Modern African Studies |volume=20 |issue=4 |pages=629–668 |issn=0022-278X}}</ref>

==== The PRP split ====
Some months into the Second Republic, nine governors from UPN, GNPP, and PRP held monthly meetings where they held discussions and aired their grievances against Shagari's government. These governors were seen as the main political opposition to the ruling party. This caused tension within the PRP as the party's most influential leaders—its President Aminu and its National Secretary, S.G. Ikoku—emphasized cooperation with the NPN, while some more radical members, including the two governors, Abubakar Rimi and Balarabe Musa, who were both members of the nine Governors, denounced the NPN and opposed any form of cooperation.<ref name=":34" />
[[File:Aminu Kano and Abubakar Rimi.jpg|thumb|261x261px|Aminu and Abubakar Rimi. Likely taken before the party split.]]
Two factions formed within the party. The 'radical' faction were more or less "deeply committed to radical change and [[Socialism|socialist principles]]." They had the desire for an "open confrontation of class forces". It contained some of the founding members of the party, most of its House of Representatives members, its prominent intellectuals, and the two governors. While the other faction represented the more moderate and ideologically varied members of the party. They encouraged the more moderate 'democratic humanism' of Aminu Kano, and held the belief that confrontation with the Shagari government "should yield, at least for the time being, to the imperatives of national unity and inter-party co-operation." This group included prominent [[leftists]]—like Ikoku—businessmen, professionals, and other party members loyal to Aminu.<ref name=":34" /><ref>{{Cite book |last=Joseph |first=Richard A. |url=http://archive.org/details/democracyprebend0000jose |title=Democracy and prebendal politics in Nigeria : the rise and fall of the Second Republic |date=1987 |publisher=Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] ; New York : Cambridge University Press |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-0-521-34136-3}}</ref>{{Rp|page=143}} The radical faction was called ''Santsi'' ('slippery' in Hausa) after Aminu said they were on a slippery slope. Rimi then replied that 'some party leaders' were 'stuck in the mud', hence the pro-Aminu faction were known as ''Taɓo'' ('mud' in Hausa).<ref name=":28" />{{Rp|page=432}}<ref>{{Cite news |last=Jega |first=Mahmud |title=Red, Blue and Swing States |url=https://issuu.com/thisdaylive/docs/tdla_0116_5adc568f6292ba |work=Thisday Newspapers |pages=48}}</ref>

During the spring of 1980, while Aminu was abroad for medical treatment, the PRP leadership formally prohibited the two governors from attending the nine governors' meetings. Upon his return, unable to mediate between the two factions, he aligned himself with the Taɓo faction, thereby endorsing the actions of the party establishment. As the two governors persisted in attending the meetings despite the directive, they were expelled from the party. In response, the Santsi faction, claiming to be the authentic PRP, convened a party convention in December 1980, where they expelled Aminu and Ikoku, replacing them with Chief [[Michael Imoudu|Michael Imodu]] and Abubakar Rimi, respectively. However, despite the significant number of PRP legislators who sided with the Santsi faction, FEDECO recognized Aminu as the legitimate leader of the PRP.<ref name=":34" /><ref>{{Cite book |last=Jr. |first=C S Whitaker |url=http://archive.org/details/perspectivesonse0000unse |title=Perspectives on the second republic in Nigeria |date=1981 |publisher=Waltham, Mass. : Crossroads Press |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-0-918456-43-4}}</ref>{{Rp|page=13}}

==== The 1981 Kano riot ====
On 7 July 1981, Governor Rimi issued a letter to the Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, accusing him of deliberate disrespect toward the [[Kano State Government]]. The letter demanded a response within 48 hours to justify why disciplinary action should not be taken. The letter was described by the ''[[West Africa (magazine)|West Africa magazine]]'' as "most disrespectful...suitable for admonishing a clerk, but...most unsuitable for addressing a [venerated] traditional and religious leader". Other conservative religious and intellectual figures also condemned the letter, along with a spokesperson from the ''Taɓo'' faction. The NPN promptly capitalized on the situation, urging "people of goodwill" to "defend their traditional institutions".<ref name=":34" />

Violence erupted on 10 July 1981, in Kano, resulting in the burning of several government buildings, including the State Government Secretariat, Radio Kano, and the [[Kano State House of Assembly|State House of Assembly]]. The headquarters of the Santsi faction and the residences of key officials in Rimi's government were also targeted. Dr. Bala Mohammed, Rimi's chief political adviser and a leading intellectual in the party, was killed in the fire. The ''West Africa magazine'' estimated the total damage from the riots at ₦100 million in its 20 July 1981 issue. The leaders of the ''Santsi'' faction accused the NPN and Aminu of orchestrating the riots to "preserve their political power".<ref name=":34" />

==== Aftermath ====
The killing of Dr. Bala Mohammed deepened the division within the PRP. Earlier in the year, Balarabe Musa, the PRP Governor of Kaduna, was impeached by the NPN-dominated [[Kaduna State House of Assembly|State House of Assembly]]. In 1982, he released a book titled ''Struggle for Social and Economic Change'', in which he accused Aminu of orchestrating the 1981 killings. Musa further asserted that despite "all his rhetoric, fables, gestures, and tricks, Mallam Aminu Kano failed to get our government and the bulk of the party to betray our General Programme."<ref>{{Cite book |last=Musa |first=Balarabe |author-link=Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa |url=http://archive.org/details/struggleforsocia0000musa |title=Struggle for social and economic change |date=1982 |publisher=Zaria : Northern Nigerian Pub. Co. |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-978-169-216-1}}</ref>{{Rp|page=162}}

Following the expulsion of several influential members from the PRP, the ''Santsi'' faction fragmented, due to issues like electoralism, a crisis of survival, and strategic conflicts. Abubakar Rimi joined Azikiwe's NPP, while [[Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa|Balarabe Musa]] attempted to reconcile with Aminu.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Abdulraheem |first=Tajudeen |last2=Olukoshi |first2=Adebayo |date=1986 |title=The Left in Nigerian Politics and the Struggle for Socialism: 1945-1985 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4005819 |journal=Review of African Political Economy |issue=37 |pages=64–80 |issn=0305-6244}}</ref> Musa disclosed in a 2012 interview that Aminu's illness during this period left him "largely unaware of his surroundings," which was exploited by "some evil people around him." Musa also mentioned Aminu's intention to organise a reconciliation gathering at his house, but his deteriorating health prevented it, leading to his eventual passing.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Tilde |first=Dr Aliyu U. |date=2012-05-26 |title=Interview (1): An Evening with Balarabe Musa |url=https://aliyuutilde.wordpress.com/2012/05/26/interview-1-an-evening-with-balarabe-musa/ |access-date=2024-03-23 |website=Discourse With Dr. Tilde |language=en}}</ref>

In preparation for the 1983 presidential election, Aminu chose Bola Ogunbo as his running mate, the first time a woman ever held the position in the country.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Mama |first=Amina |date=1995 |title=Feminism or Femocracy? State Feminism and Democratisation in Nigeria |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/43657968 |journal=Africa Development / Afrique et Développement |volume=20 |issue=1 |pages=37–58 |issn=0850-3907}}</ref> However, he passed away on 17 April 1983, several months before the election.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Mahmud |first=Sakah S. |date=1988 |editor-last=Feinstein |editor-first=Alan |title=Mallam Aminu Kano and the Politics of Change in Nigeria |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4186467 |journal=Africa Today |volume=35 |issue=1 |pages=57–60 |issn=0001-9887}}</ref>