Mozambican Civil War

== Background ==
=== Independence ===
{{main|Mozambican War of Independence}}

[[Portugal]] fought [[Portuguese Colonial War|a long and bitter counter-insurgency conflict]] in its three primary African colonies—[[Angola]], [[Mozambique]], and [[Guinea-Bissau]]—from the 1960s to the mid-1970s, when they finally received independence following the [[Carnation Revolution]]. In Mozambique, the armed struggle against colonial rule was spearheaded by the [[Front for the Liberation of Mozambique]] (FRELIMO), which was initially formed in exile<ref name=Nationalism>{{cite book|last=Derluguian|first=Georgi|editor-last=Morier-Genoud|editor-first=Eric|title=Sure Road? Nationalisms in Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique|date=1997|pages=81–95|publisher=Koninklijke Brill NV|location=Leiden|isbn=978-9004222618}}</ref> but later succeeded in wresting control of large sections of the country from the Portuguese.<ref name="Sellström">{{cite book|last=Sellström|first=Tor|url=http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:nai:diva-204|title=Sweden and National Liberation in Southern Africa: Vol. 2 : Solidarity and assistance, 1970–1994|publisher=Nordiska Afrikainstitutet|year=2002|isbn=978-91-7106-448-6|location=Uppsala|pages=97–99}}</ref> FRELIMO drew its initial base of support primarily from Mozambican migrant workers and expatriate intellectuals who had been exposed to the emerging popularity of anti-colonial and nationalist causes overseas, as well as the [[Makonde people|Makonde]] and other ethnic groups in northern Mozambique, where Portuguese influence was weakest.<ref name=Nationalism/><ref name=Walters>{{cite book|last=Walters|first=Barbara|editor-last=Snyder|editor-first=Jack|title=Civil Wars, Insecurity, and Intervention|date=1999|pages=52–58|publisher=Columbia University Press|location=Philadelphia|isbn=978-0231116275}}</ref> The bulk of its members were drawn from Makonde workers who had witnessed pro-independence rallies in British-ruled [[Tanganyika (territory)|Tanganyika]].<ref name=Nationalism/> In September 1964, FRELIMO commenced an armed insurgency against the Portuguese.<ref name=Nationalism/> Its decision to take up arms was influenced by a number of internal and external factors, namely the recent successes of indigenous anti-colonial guerrilla movements in [[French Indochina]] and [[French Algeria]], as well as encouragement from contemporary African statesmen such as [[Ahmed Ben Bella]], [[Gamal Abdel Nasser]], and [[Julius Nyerere]].<ref name=Nationalism/> FRELIMO guerrillas initially received training primarily in North Africa and the Middle East in countries such as [[Algeria]], with the [[Soviet Union]] and [[People's Republic of China]] providing military equipment.<ref name=Nationalism/>

Portugal responded by embarking on a massive buildup of military personnel and security forces in Mozambique.<ref name=Nationalism/> It also established close defence ties with two of Mozambique's neighbours, [[Rhodesia]] and [[South Africa]].<ref name=Nationalism/> In 1970, the Portuguese launched [[Operation Gordian Knot]], which was initially successful at eliminating large numbers of FRELIMO guerrillas and their support bases in the north of the country; however, the redeployment of so many Portuguese troops to northern Mozambique allowed FRELIMO to intensify its operations elsewhere in the country.<ref name=Unity>{{cite book|last=Sayaka|first=Funada-Classen|title=The Origins of War in Mozambique: A History of Unity and Division|date=2013|pages=263–267|publisher=African Minds|location=Somerset West|isbn=978-1920489977}}</ref> The following year, Portugal established an informal military alliance with Rhodesia and South Africa known as the [[Alcora Exercise]].<ref name=Unity/> Representatives from the defence establishments of the three countries agreed to meet periodically to share intelligence and coordinate operations against militant nationalist movements in their respective countries.<ref name=Unity/> Simultaneously, FRELIMO also pursued close relations with the latter; for example, by 1971 it had cultivated an alliance with the [[Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army]] (ZANLA).<ref name=Unity/> ZANLA insurgents were permitted to infiltrate Rhodesia from FRELIMO-held territory.<ref name=Unity/> During the late 1960s, the [[Azanian People's Liberation Army]] (APLA) also took advantage of the gradual disintegration of Portuguese military control in Mozambique to begin infiltrating South Africa from that territory.<ref name=Stapleton2>{{cite book|last=Stapleton|first=Timothy|title=A Military History of South Africa: From the Dutch-Khoi Wars to the End of Apartheid|year=2010|pages=167–185|publisher=Praeger Security International|location=Santa Barbara|isbn=978-0313365898}}</ref>

In April 1974, Portugal's longstanding [[Estado Novo (Portugal)|Estado Novo]] political order was dismantled as a result of the Carnation Revolution.<ref name="George">{{cite book|title=The Cuban intervention in Angola |last=George|first=Edward|location=New York|publisher=Frank Cass Publishers|year=2005|isbn=978-0415647106|pages=49–53}}</ref> The revolution also brought to power a military junta known as the [[Armed Forces Movement]], which was committed to divesting itself of the colonies and ending the increasingly costly African wars.<ref name="George"/> The turmoil in the [[metropole]] was mirrored by increasing instability in Mozambique and a further weakening of Portugal's grip on its East African colony.<ref name=Finnegan>{{cite book|last=Finnegan|first=William|title=A Complicated War: The Harrowing of Mozambique|url=https://archive.org/details/complicatedwarha00finn|url-access=registration|date=1992|pages=[https://archive.org/details/complicatedwarha00finn/page/112 112–118]|publisher=University of California Press|location=Berkeley|isbn=978-0520082663}}</ref> Various new political parties were formed in Mozambique, including several by FRELIMO splinter factions, during the following months in anticipation of multi-party elections.<ref name=Finnegan/> However, FRELIMO insisted on being recognised as the sole legitimate representative of the new Mozambican nation.<ref name=Finnegan/> It rejected proposals for multi-party elections and took advantage of the chaos in the Portuguese military establishment to intensify its guerrilla campaign.<ref name=Finnegan/> In early September 1974, Portugal announced it was acceding to FRELIMO's request.<ref name=Finnegan/> No elections were going to be held in Mozambique; instead, after a nine-month transition period, the positions of local government would simply be handed to FRELIMO officials.<ref name=Finnegan/>

The Portuguese decision to effect a transfer to power to FRELIMO, without a local referendum or elections, was greeted with intense trepidation by Portugal's traditional Cold War allies: South Africa, Rhodesia, and the United States.<ref name=Volk>{{cite book|last=Miller|first=Jamie|title=An African Volk: The Apartheid Regime and Its Search for Survival|year=2016|pages=122–126, 314|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=Oxford|isbn=978-0190274832}}</ref> The US government predicted that an independent Mozambique under the direction of FRELIMO would be heavily influenced by the Soviet bloc.<ref name=Volk/> Black opposition movements in South Africa declared that they would bring FRELIMO officials to address rallies being held near Durban, Johannesburg, and at the University of Northern Transvaal.<ref name=Volk/> The South African authorities banned the demonstrations, but activists proceeded anyway in defiance of the police.<ref name=Volk/> By the end of the year, sixty people had been arrested for organising pro-FRELIMO rallies.<ref name=Volk/>

In Mozambique, the announcement sparked an uprising by right-wing elements in the white population, joined by disgruntled veterans of the colonial army and some black Mozambicans outraged by FRELIMO's pending unilateral assumption of power.<ref name=Minter>{{cite book|last=Minter|first=William|title=Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique|year=1994|pages=11–16|publisher=Witwatersrand University Press|location=Johannesburg|isbn=978-1439216187}}</ref> The rebels appealed to South Africa and Rhodesia for military assistance to preempt the installation of a FRELIMO government.<ref name="SmithGB">{{cite book|author= Smith, Ian|title=The Great Betrayal|pages=74–256|publisher= Blake Publishing Ltd.|location=London|year=1997|isbn= 1-85782-176-9}}</ref> However, South African prime minister [[B. J. Vorster]] was unwilling to intervene, fearing condemnation from the international community for any interference with the decolonisation process in a neighbouring country.<ref name="SmithGB"/> Rhodesian prime minister [[Ian Smith]] was more sympathetic to the rebels' cause but felt that he would unable to act without the guarantee of South African support.<ref name="SmithGB"/> The uprising was eventually crushed after four days by an unlikely coalition of Portuguese and FRELIMO forces.<ref name=Minter/>

On 25 June 1975 Mozambique formally gained independence from Portugal, with FRELIMO Leader [[Samora Machel]] becoming President of the [[People's Republic of Mozambique]].

=== Geo-political situation ===

[[File:RhodesiaAllies1965.png|thumb|The geopolitical situation of Rhodesia in 1965. Rhodesia is coloured green and countries friendly to the government (South Africa and Portugal) are shown in purple.]]

[[File:RhodesiaAllies1975-en.svg|thumb|The geopolitical situation of Rhodesia after the independence of Angola and Mozambique in 1975. Rhodesia itself is shown in green, nations friendly to the nationalist guerrillas are shown in orange, and South Africa and its dependency South-West Africa (now Namibia) are coloured purple.]]

The independence of Mozambique and [[Angola]] in 1975 challenged white minority rule in Southern Africa. Firstly, the independence wars in Angola and Mozambique demonstrated that even with great military resources it was virtually impossible for a small white minority to guarantee the safety of its members, let alone to exert control over a mobilised and agitated population outside of major power centres. The downfall of Portuguese colonial rule gave hope to black liberation struggles in the then apartheid [[South Africa]] and [[Rhodesia]]. Second, in both countries revolutionary [[socialist]] movements gained power. These movements had been cooperating with the black liberation movements in South Africa and Rhodesia, and continued to openly support them, offering them a safe haven from where they could coordinate their operations and train new forces. As President Machel put it in a speech in 1975: "The struggle in Zimbabwe is our struggle".<ref name="jpires.org">{{cite web |url=http://www.jpires.org/?p=1240 |title=MOZAMBIQUE: Dismantling the Portuguese Empire |publisher=jpires.org |access-date=4 March 2012 }}{{dead link|date=April 2018 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref>

The independence of Mozambique was especially devastating for white-ruled Rhodesia in multiple aspects. The Rhodesian armed forces lacked the manpower to effectively protect its {{convert|800|mi|km|order=flip|adj=on}} border with Mozambique against entering ZANLA insurgents. At the same time, the apartheid government and the Smith regime lost Portugal as an ally and with it the tens of thousands of soldiers that had been deployed in the Portuguese colonial wars. Additionally Rhodesia used Mozambican ports as their primary means for imports and exports, with over 80% of all imports passing through Maputo and Beira into the heavily sanctioned country. The loss of these ports after President Machel declared sanctions against the country further weakened the already fragile economy of Rhodesia and angered the Ian Smith regime.<ref>José Mota Lopes and Mario Borgdeth, "Borders of Blood" Kanemo Production and Communication Ltd.</ref>

Thus with the South African and Rhodesian white minority government position severely weakened by the events of 1974/75 both governments sought to undermine the newly independent countries and to shatter FRELIMO's goal of building the first, non-racial socialist state in Southern Africa.<ref name="ReferenceA">Bob and Amy Coen, "Mozambique: The Struggle for Survival" Video Africa, 1987</ref> The countries capacity to support national liberation movements also concerned South Africa and Rhodesia and both countries sought for a first strike strategy to counter this new threat. This manifested itself in the Rhodesia-sponsored foundation of [[RENAMO]], then called the Mozambique National Resistance (MNR), in 1974 and in South Africa's adoption of the "[[Total National Strategy]]".

=== Internal Mozambican tensions ===

==== FRELIMO dissidents ====

Soon after independence, FRELIMO begun Mozambique's transformation into a socialist one-party-state. This was accompanied by crackdowns on dissidents and the nationalisation of important economic facilities abandoned by fleeing Portuguese.<ref name="jpires.org"/> Numerous political parties sprung up virtually overnight and vied for power with FRELIMO. Many of these parties like [[COREMO]] and UNAR were made up of FRELIMO dissidents such as [[Uria Simango]] and Lazaro Nkavandame. Both men were arrested and convicted in a public trial before [[Samora Machel]] before being sent to re-education camps. Simango was reportedly later extrajudicially executed<ref>''Mozambique: the tortuous road to democracy'' by J. Cabrita, Macmillan, 2001. {{ISBN|9780333920015}}</ref> whilst Nkavandame reportedly died of natural causes.

Furthermore, the nationalisation of many formerly Portuguese-owned enterprises, fear of a retaliation against whites, and an ultimatum to either accept Mozambican citizenship or leave the country within 90 days, drove the majority of the 370,000 [[Portuguese Mozambicans|white Portuguese Mozambicans]] out of the country. As the Portuguese left some purposefully sabotaged the economy, stealing profits from factories, driving tractors into the sea and pouring cement into sewers.<ref name="ReferenceA"/> The Portuguese exodus resulted in economic chaos as only few Africans had received higher education or even primary education under Portuguese rule with over 95% of the population illiterate.<ref>Mario Mouzinho ''Literacy in Mozambique: education for all challenges'' UNESCO, 2006</ref><ref name="jpires.org"/>

==== Overturning of traditional hierarchies and re-education camps ====

As a revolutionary Marxist party, FRELIMO embarked on overturning traditional, tribal governance structures that grew extensively under the Portuguese colonial rule in an effort to counter regionalism and tribalism to build a single, national identity. Shortly after independence many local chiefs were ousted and removed from positions of power and many dissidents were imprisoned in re-education camps.<ref>Igreja 2007, p.128.</ref> Another source of conflict was the continuation of the aldeamento system that the Portuguese had introduced as a means of exerting control and inhibiting contact between the population and the rebels. It coerced thousands of peasants to move into communal villages and communal farms where they were given food, water and healthcare, but lacked adequate tools and money to farm effectively. FRELIMO hoped that this system would enable the fulfilment of its ambitious agricultural development goals, but the implementation often alienated parts of the rural population, whom FRELIMO had popular support from during the independence struggle. This was especially the case in central and northern Mozambique, where households are traditionally separated by considerable distances.<ref>The cultural dimension of war traumas in central Mozambique: The case of Gorongosa. http://priory.com/psych/traumacult.htm</ref>